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JOURNAL  OF    EARLY 
SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS 

WINTER   2  004         VOLUME    XXX,    NUMBER    2 


THE    MUSEUM    OF    EARLY    SOUTHERN    DECOR  ATI  \'E    ARTS 


EDITORIAL     BOARD 

Henry  Parrott  Bacot,  Louisuvia  State  ihiiversit)',  Baton  Rouge 

lohn  A.  Burrison,  Gcorgiii  State  University,  Atlanta 

C'oIIl-l'ii  Clallah.in,  Riel-oiiond.  Virgitiia 

Barbara  Carson,  (jillege  ofWilliiiin  lUid  Mary.  Williaiusl/iirg,  X'irgiiiia 

Bernard  D.  Cotton,  Biiekingha/i/s/iire  College,  Lh/iterl  kingdom 

Donald  L.  Fcnniniore,  |r.,  Winterilmr  Museum,  W'interthiir,  Delaware 

I, eland  Ferguson,  University  of  South  Caroliiiii,  Colionbia 

Kdward  Ci.  Hill,  M.D.,  \\'i)i>ton-Salem,  North  Uarolnia 

Ronald  L.  Hurst,  (jilonial  W'illiauishiirg  Foundation,  W'illanisburg,  I  trgniia 

Theodore  Landsmark,  /'resident,  Boston  Arehiteetural  (.enter.  Boston.  ALissaeliusetts 

Carl  R.  LoLinsburw  Uolonial  Willianisl/urg  Foundation,  Willanishurg,  X'irginia 

Susan  H.  Mvers,  National  Museum  of  Aineriean  History,  Smithsonian  Institution.  Washington,  D.C. 

].  Carrison  Stradlins;,  New  York,  New  )ork 

Carolyn  [.  Weekley,  Colonial  W'illiamsl'urg  Foundation.  W'illamshurg,  Virginia 


MANAGING    EDITOR:    Gary  J.  Albert 


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SOUTHERN      DECORATIVE     ARTS 

Receive  the  foiirnal  of  harly  Southeru  Decorative  .{rts,  published  in  summer  and  winter  h\  the  Museum  ot 
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nvvr:  H.ioki.lsL-  .111  v.ibiiKl  .ittributcJ  to  S.inii.son  1  )iui;iud,  w.ilnut  with  tulip  popl.ir;  I  \iijilnirt;.  \irginia.  1S20-30.  Hiw  80";  wciA  41^ 
W  lS^«".   \IKI  s-ia.,22    I  ,nirl,;v„t  Dm.',,:,!  hi,mijl  S:;ru,:  /  yml'hi.rg.  \„j;im.: 


THE  JOURNAL 

OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN 

DECORATIVE  ARTS 


WINTER    2004 
VOLUME   XXX,    NUMBER    2 


l\\c  Joimuil of  E,vly  Southern  Dccomtn-c  Am  is  published  m-ice 

J  year  by  the  Museum  ot  Early  Southern  Decorative  Arts  (MESDA). 

It  presents  research  on  decorative  arts  made  in  the  South  prior  to  1820, 

with  an  emphasis  on  object  studies  in  a  material  culture  context. 


Potential  contributors  are  encouraged  to  contact  the  Managing  Editor 
tor  guidelines  concerning  subject  matter  and  manuscript  preparation. 

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Managing  ^d'\Mz,  Journal  of  Early  Snutheru  Decorative  Arts.  MESDA, 

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no.  Box  10310.  Winston-Salem.  NC  27108. 

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Copyright  ©  2006  by  Old  Salem  Inc. 

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Contents 


J.    CHRISTIAN    KOLBE 

The  Account  Book  ot  Sampson  Diuguid, 
Lynchbui'g,  Virginia.  Cabinetmaker 


JOHN    CROSS,    PH.D 

The  Transference  oi  Skills  and  Styles 

from  the  American  to  Jamaican  Fiirnituie 

Trade  During  the  Eighteenth  Centur\-  49 


Digitized  by  tine  Internet  Arciiive 

in  2010  witii  funding  from 

University  of  Nortii  Carolina  at  Chapel  Hill 


http://www.archive.org/details/journalofearlyso3022004muse 


The  Account  Book  of  Sampson  Diuguid, 
Lynchburg,  Virginia,  Cabinetmaker 


J.    CHRISTIAN    KOLBE 


INTRODUCTION 

Lynchburg,Virginia,  cabinetmaker  Sampson  Diuguid  (1795-1856) 
was  born  in  Buckingham  Count)',  Virginia.  He  was  the  son  ot  George 
Diuguid  and  his  wife  Nancy  Sampson.'  UnHke  most  cabinetmakers, 
his  business  records  have  survived.  This  study  analyzes  an  account 
book,  which  is  now  known  to  be  "LD,"  or  Ledger  D.-  Ledger  D  is 
found  in  the  second  part  of  a  volume  titled  "Burial  Book  i,  1820- 
1845."^  While  the  earliest  entry  is  1821  and  the  latest  entry  is  1837,  this 
volume  basically  covers  the  years  1824-1832.  Ledger  D  is  also  on  mi- 
crofilm at  the  Jones  Memorial  Library  in  Lynchburg.^  Other  furniture 
volumes  have  recently  come  to  light. ^  As  these  volumes  become  acces- 
sible, analysis  of  their  contents  will  provide  further  knowledge  of  the 
cabinetmaking  business  of  Sampson  Diuguid.  All  account  books  of 
Sampson  Diuguid  are  the  property  of  Diuguid  Funeral  Services  and 
are  on  permanent  loan  with  the  Old  City  Cemetery  in  Lynchburg. 

The  focus  of  this  article  is  an  analysis  of  Ledger  D  to  better  un- 
derstand the  cabinetmaking  trade  in  the  interior  of  Virginia  during 
the  1820S  and  1830s.  The  analysis  consists  of  sorting  the  information 
found  in  the  account  book  by  furniture  form,  by  materials  purchased 
or  sold  (upholstery  material,  hardware,  wood),  and  payment  for  work 
performed. 


FIGURE  I.  Detail  of 
map  ot  Virginia  with 
Lvnchbure  identified. 


T3YLVANIA 


HALIf*X 


A    BRIEF    HISTORY    OF    LYNCHBURG,    VIRGINIA 

In  order  to  put  the  account  book  in  context,  it  is  necessary  to 
understand  the  history  ot  Lynchburg  (figure  i),  from  its  beginning 
through  the  first  tour  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century;  and  the  cabi- 
netmaking  tradition  in  Lynchburg  prior  to  Diuguid  beginning  work, 
and  his  partnership  with  Alanson  Winston.  Charles  and  Sarah  Clark 
Lynch  came  to  the  present-day  Lynchburg  area  in  the  mid-eighteenth 
century.''  In  17S7,  Lynch's  Ferry  was  estabHshed  on  the  James  River. 
John  Lynch,  son  of  Charles  and  Sarah,  built  a  tayern  at  the  ferry.  The 
expansion  of  tobacco  culture  furthered  the  development  of  Lynch's 
Ferry.  Hogsheads  of  tobacco  were  rolled  to  the  ferry  where  they  were 
then  put  on  a  canoe  or  bateau  and  taken  down  the  James  River  to  the 
tobacco  inspection  stations  below  the  falls  at  Richmond.  In  1785  lohn 
Lynch  was  authorized  to  establish  a  tobacco  inspection  station.  He 
also  established  a  mill  in  the  area.  In  1786  a  town  was  established  on 
the  land  ot  John  Lynch,  which  was  next  to  Lynchs  Ferry.  ** 

During  the  years  1800-09,  the  tobacco  industry  in  Lynchburg  went 
beyond  the  inspection  ot  tobacco  to  include  tobacco  auctions  and  the 
manufacture  of  chewing  tobacco.'  The  years  1800-19  were  a  period  of 


JOURNAL   OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE   ARTS 


WINTER  1004 


growth  and  the  town  expanded  its  boundaries  in  1814  and  1819.'"  The 
economic  problems  of  the  Panic  of  1819  hit  Lynchburg  particularly 
hard."  Thomas  Jefferson,  in  his  letter  of  9  August  1819  to  Thomas 
Mann  Randolph,  Jr.,  wrote,  "nothing  can  exceed  the  desolation  which 
the  Lynchburg  banks  have  produced  on  this  country."''  Lynchburg's 
economic  situation  began  to  improve  by  the  1820s.  While  tobacco 
continued  to  be  the  main  business,  Lynchburg  had  become  a  cen- 
ter of  trade  for  the  surrounding  countryside."  The  period  1830-39 
started  with  a  little  progress,  but  activity  increased  and  by  1840  the 
James  River  and  Kanawha  canal  reached  Lynchburg  .The  canal  was  a 
major  mode  of  transportation  from  Richmond  to  the  interior  of  Vir- 
ginia.''* Sampson  Diuguid's  account  book  Ledger  D  covers  the  years 
1821-1837,  when  Lynchburg  was  beginning  to  recover  from  the  finan- 
cial woes  of  the  Panic  of  1819. 


THE    EARLY-NINETEENTH-CENTURY 
FURNITURE    OF    LYNCHBURG,    VIRGINIA 

The  cabinetmaking  trade  in  Lynchburg  began  with  the  influx  of 
cabinetmakers  from  eastern  cities.  These  cabinetmakers  included 
Thomas  Crandall  from  Richmond,  Chester  Sully  from  Norfolk,  and 
Robert  Patterson  from  Charleston,  South  Carolina.'''  There  were  other 
cabinetmakers  who  fit  this  pattern:  John  Hockaday  from  the  Williams- 
burg area, '"  Allanson  Winston  from  Connecticut,'  and  James  Frazier 
from  Fredericksburg.'"  Also  Fleming  Moseley,  a  Lynchburg  turner,  was 
apprenticed  in  Richmond.'"  In  the  5  April  1819  issue  of  the  Lynch- 
burg Press,  James  Frazier  advertised  he  had  procured  "cabinet  work- 
man" from  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore.''^  These  cabinetmakers  were 
drawn  to  Lynchburg  because  it  was  a  new  inland  market  and  to  escape 
the  competition  of  cheaper  furniture  from  the  North  that  was  being 
imported  to  coastal  areas  of  the  South.  Earlier,  black  walnut,  cherry, 
and  other  hard  woods  had  been  the  woods  of  choice.  After  1810  there 
is  increase  in  the  use  of  mahogany  and  veneers  in  Lynchburg  furni- 
ture.-' It  should  be  noted  that  other  hardwoods  were  still  used,  as  can 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON   DIUGUID 


be  seen  in  a  tallcase  clock  of  walnut  fitted  with  works  attributed 
to  Williams  &  Victor  of  Lynchburg  (figure  2).  Another  tall- 
case  clock  with  works  by  Williams  &  Victor  is  pictured  as  fig. 
173.2  in  Southern  Furniture,  1680-18^0:  Tlje  Colonial  Williams- 
burg Collection.--  In  the  18  March  1819  issue  of  the  Lynchburg 
Press,  cabinetmaker  John  Hockaday  advertised  both  mahoga- 
ny and  walnut  furniture  to  be  sold  at  auction.-''  For  the  years 
1800-25,  furniture  from  towns  in  the  interior  of  Virginia  shows 
an  understanding  of  current  styles;  however,  the  furniture  from 
the  interior  was  not  as  academic  as  that  produced  in  the  larg- 
er coastal  cities  of-  the  South. -^  These  traits  are  exemplified  by 
Lynchburg  furniture  found  in  three  Virginia  institutions  and 
hirniture  owned  privately. 

Colonial  Williamsburg  has  two  examples  of  early-nineteenth- 
centurv'  Lynchburg  furniture.  A  secretar}'  and  bookcase  signed 
by  Charles  C.  Parks  is  pictured  as  fig.  145  in  Southern  Furni- 
ture, 1680-18^0:  Tide  Colonial  Williamsburg  Collection^  Also  in 
the  Colonial  Williamsburg  collection  is  a  circa  1810-20  mahog- 
any and  mahogany  veneer  pedestal  sideboard  with  a  Lynchburg 
provenance.  The  sideboard  is  signed  Jonathan  Moss.-'' 

Point  of  Honor,  a  Federal  house  museum  in  Lynchburg, 
holds  two  pieces  ot  locally  made,  early-nineteenth-century  fur- 
niture. In  the  dining  room  is  a  mahogany  sideboard  made  by 
Thomas  Crandall  (figure  ^).  The  inscription  on  the  bottom  of  a 
drawer  reads  "Thomas  Crandall/Maker  of  this  work/Lynchburg 
1813"  (figure  ^a).  The  doors  of  this  sideboard  have  Gothic  arches 
and  there  is  reeding  above  the  front  legs.  There  is  also  reeding 
on  either  side  of  the  top  drawers  of  the  pediment  section  of  the 
sideboard.  The  parlor  at  Point  of  Honor  contains  a  circa  1815 


FIGURE  2.  Tallcase  clock  by  Williams  &  Victor  (works;  case  by 
unknown  cabinetmaker);  walnut  with  tulip  poplar  and  yellow  pine; 
Lynchburg,  Virginia,  c.  1820.  hoa  96";  woa  19% ";  doa  ioVs". 
MRf  5-7y/,  prifate  collection. 


lOURNAL   OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS 


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FIGURES  3  &  3a.  Sideboard  by 
Thomas  Crandall;  mahogany 
and  mahogany  veneer  with  tu- 
plip  poplar  and  yellow  pine; 
Lynchburg  Virginia,  1813.  hoa 
49'^";  WOA  78'/2";  DOA  23". 
MRFS-i04iS.  Courtesy  oftheLvnchburg 
Mtisemn  Systf?»  and  Point  of  Honor,  Inc. 


FIGURE  4.  Table;  ma- 
hogany with  tulip  pop- 
lar; Lynchburg,  Virginia, 
1815-1825.  HOA  28%"; 
WOA  (open)  45'/i";  doa 
40  ".  MRf  S-i04lQ.  Courtesy  of 
the  Ly>Hl)hi<rgMHieHm  Systa/i 
and  Poifit  oj  Honor,  hu. 


mahogany  pedestal  Pembroke  table  with  scalloped  drop  leaves  and  a 
drawer  at  one  end  (figure  4).  On  the  bottom  oi  the  drawer  is  a  badly 
deteriorated  label  with  the  word  "Lynchburg"  barely  visible.  Below 
the  skirt  and  on  each  corner  is  a  button-like  finial.  The  table  has  four 
reeded  saber  legs.  The  legs  end  in  st)'lized  reeded  lion's  paw  feet  cov- 
ered in  brass  on  castors.  Pedestal  tables  with  saber  legs  were  often  re- 
ferred to  as  "pillar  and  claw."  Both  the  sideboard  and  Pembroke  table, 
although  somewhat  conservative,  show  that  in  the  hrst  rwo  decades  of 
the  nineteenth  century  Lynchburg  was  aware  of  the  current  classical 
style  in  furniture. 

Also  belonging  to  the  Lynchburg  Museum  System  is  a  circa  1840s 
wardrobe  that  is  attributed  to  Sampson  Diuguid  (figure  ^).  This  ward- 
robe was  owned  by  Sampson  Diuguid  and  descended  in  the  family.- 

At  the  Virginia  Historical  Society  is  a  desk  also  inscribed  "Thomas 
Crandall"  and  the  year  "1813."  The  desk  is  pictured  as  catalog  no.  14 
in  the  exhibition  catalog  Piediuoiit  Virgi>iia  Fur>iitttre.-^  The  desk  is 
mahogany  and  mahogany  veneer,  with  yellow  pine  secondary  wood. 


JOURNAL   OF   EARLY  SOITTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS 


\X' INTER  2004 


FIGURE  5.  Wardrobe  attributed  to  Sampson  Diuguid;  mahogany  and 
mahogany  veneer;  Lynchburg,  Virginia,  1830-40.  hoa  87-1/4";  woa  63'/4"; 
D  OA  27% ".  MRJ-  S-H1420.  Courtesy  of  the  Lynchburg  Museum  System  and  Point  of  Honor,  Inc. 


FIGURE  6.  Bookcase  on  cabinet  attributed  to  Sampson  Diu- 
guid;  walnut  with  tulip  poplar;  Lynchburg,  Virginia,  1820-30. 

HOA  80";  WOA  41%";  DOA  l8y8".  .U«/ .S-,'O^JJ.  CoHrh'iyofDiugmd 


The  lower  portion  has  three  cock- 
beaded  drawers  flanked  by  reeded 
stiles  that  end  in  turned  feet.  The 
reeding  on  the  stiles  is  reminiscent 
of  the  reeding  on  the  Crandall  side- 
board at  Point  of  Honor  (figure  j). 
On  either  side  of  the  top  drawer  are 
supports  for  the  hinged  writing  sur- 
face. The  upper  portion  of  the  desk 
consists  of  the  writing  surface  and 
a  three-door  storage  area.  Reeding 
surrounds  each  door. 

Lynchburg  furniture  in  private 
hands,  as  the  furniture  in  the  insti- 
tutions mentioned  above,  shows  an 
appreciation  ot  the  current  styles  but 
with  a  conservative  manner  in  its  ex- 
ecution. The  appearance  of  the  fur- 
niture shows  a  transition  from  passe 
to  more  updated  styles.  The  author 
wishes  to  thank  Sandra  Crowther 
and  Chip  Pottage,  antique  dealers 
in  southern  Virginia,  for  their  direc- 
tion and  help  with  locating  the  fol- 
lowing furniture  in  private  hands. 

Three  pieces  of  early-nineteenth- 
centur)'  furniture  in  private  hands 
have  a  Lynchburg  provenance.  The 
first  piece  is  a  mahogany  press  at- 
tributed to  Sampson  Diuguid  and 
held  bv  Diuguid  Funeral  Servic- 
es (figure  6)r'  The  press,  which  is 
all  one  piece,  has  a  scalloped  skirt 
and  simple  French  feet.  The  bottom 


lOURNAL  OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS 


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doors  have  flat  panels  and  the  upper  glass  doors  have  a  thirteen-pane 
design.  A  simple  cove  cornice  sits  atop  the  bookcase.  The  construction 
of  the  back  is  a  center  vertical  board  flanked  by  two  panels. 

A  second  Lynchburg  piece  is  a  labeled  secretan,'  bookcase  of  ma- 
hogany and  mahogany  veneer  with  tulip  poplar  and  pine  secondary 
woods  (figure  y).  On  top  of  the  drawer  in  the  central  "pigeon  hole" 
of  the  secretary  drawer  is  the  label  of  the  Lynchburg  cabinetmaking 
firm  of  Hockaday  &  Parks  (figure  ja).  Because  the  firm  advertised  in 
the  newspaper  in  1817  and  Parks'  name  disappeared  from  the  personal 
property  tax  after  1819,  this  piece  would  have  been  made  no  later  than 
1820.'°  The  piece's  label  may  have  always  been  open  to  public  view 
or  a  small  drawer  may  have  covered  it.  On  either  side  ol  the  central 
section  of  the  secretary  drawer  are  four  pigeon  holes  above  which  are 
long  drawers,  which  in  turn  have  long  drawers  on  top  of  them.  The 
glass  bookcase  doors  have  a  thirteen-pane  design  and  the  back  of  the 
bookcase  has  a  center  vertical  board  flanked  by  two  panels.  Both  of 
these  features  are  also  found  on  the  Diuguid  press  (figure  6).  On  top 
of  the  bookcase  is  a  small  broken-arch  pediment  with  center  and  cor- 
ner finials.  The  broken-arch  pediment  is  almost  a  diminutive  version 
of  one  found  on  the  splashboard  of  a  sideboard  seen  as  fig.  2  in  the 
catalog  The  Green  Family  of  Cabinetmakers:  An  Alexandria  Institution, 
1817-1887.-^ 

The  third  piece  of  Lynchburg  furniture  in  private  hands  is  a  sec- 
retary bookcase  labeled  Winston  &  Diuguid  (figures  8  and  8a).  In 
August  of  1818,  Winston  &  Diuguid  advertised  in  the  newspaper.^- 
The  firm  was  sued  in  a  chancery  case  that  was  dismissed  in  1821.^'  It 
is  essential  in  dating  this  secretary  bookcase  to  know  that  Sampson 
Diuguid  maintained  a  set  of  books  for  his  individual  cabinetmaking 
business  called  "Burial  Books,"  and  Burial  Book  No.  i  covers  the  peri- 
od 1820-45.  Thus  the  secretary  bookcase  dates  from  1818-20.  Primary 
woods  for  this  piece  are  mahogany  and  mahogany  veneer,  with  sec- 
ondary woods  being  tulip  poplar  and  yellow  pine.  The  sides  are  dou- 
ble paneled.  The  turned  feet  are  replacements  but  accurately  reflect  the 
originals.  The  glass  doors  of  the  bookcase  have  the  thirteen-pane  de- 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON   DIUGUID 


\V:»ir- 

>         -1 

Ml-    111- 

I  i'ui>i,-.ir.n..- 

?2    Si'i 

|:| 

h 

1 

-- 

FIGURES  7  &  7a.  Secretary  bookcase  by  Hock- 
aday  &  Parks;  mahogany  and  mahogany  veneer 
with  tulip  poplar  and  yellow  pine;  Lynchburg, 
Virginia,  1810-20.  hoa  \o\Vi"\  woa  44 V4"; 
DOA  IlVs".  MRF s-i042i private collectiiiii. 


Caljinot  '•^';^^e  Room. 


I 


.Ihl.  AJ.VDS  OK 
CABINET   AND   UPIIOlSx^RER's 

W  A  11  E, 

'■^  .di- and  f^nld  m,  r/ 

l!v  WINS 'ON   di-   mt  OUM), 

'.jnt'iftur;;.   '      ■ 


FIGURES  8  &  8a.  Secretary  bookcase  by 
Winston  &  Diuguid;  mahogany  and  mahog- 
any veneer  with  tuMp  poplar  and  yellow  pine; 
Lynchburg,  Virginia,  1810-20.  mrf S-W421, 

prnwtf  lollcittiiii. 


sign  found  on  the  Diuguid  press  (figure  6)  and  the  Hockaday  &  Parks 
secretary  bookcase  (figure  /).  The  exterior  drawers  have  bookmatched 
veneers  and  the  secretary  drawer  also  has  a  band  of  veneer  along  the 
edge.  The  interior  oi  the  secretary  drawer  is  in  its  arrangement  identi- 
cal to  that  of  the  Hockaday  &  Parks  secretary  bookcase  except  in  the 
center  section  where  the  drawer  is  above  the  center  pigeon  hole. 


NEW   YORK    STYLE    IN    EA  RLY- N  I  N  ETE  ENTH-CE  NTU  RY 
LYNCHBURG    FURNITURE 

The  previously  described  Lynchburg  furniture  in  institutions  and 
private  hands  is  conservative  and  yet  it  shows  an  acknowledgment 
of  the  current  styles.  It  is  likely  that  the  furniture  listed  in  Diuguid's 
account  book  was  similar  in  appearance.  Further  documentation  of 
Lynchburg  cabinetmakers'  awareness  of  New  York  as  the  style  center 
for  furniture  is  found  in  the  following  newspaper  and  archival  sources: 
In  1819,  James  Frazier's  newspaper  notice  stated  he  had  received  bed- 
posts in  the  latest  fashion  from  New  York.''  The  importation  of  fur- 
niture parts  was  a  practice  also  employed  by  Richmond  cabinetmaker 
Willis  Cowling,  who  knew  Duiguid.'^  Winston  &  Duiguids  letter  of 
27  October  1818  further  documents  the  New  York  connection:"' 

Lynchburg  Oct  27th  1818 

Dear  sir  we  here  with  endorse  you  thirr\'  dollors  and  the  Capts.  Receipt 
who  has  our  wood-he  has  one  box  more  than  is  mentioned  in  the  receipt-It 
was  probably  a  mistake  in  Mr.  Meeks  sending  us  the  bill  of  lading-you  will 
please  to  attend  to  its  being  put  on  boord  the  boats  &  see  that  it  is  handle 
with  care 

}burs  Winston  cr  Diuguid 
You  will  please  send  r\vo  gallons  of  good  co  [  c]  ell  varnish. 

The  term  "bill  of  lading"  indicates  the  box  of  wood  was  probably 
brought  into  Virginia  from  out  of  state.  This  fact,  combined  with  the 
sender  being  a  "Mr.  Meeks,"  very  likely  indicates  that  the  wood  was 
shipped  from  New  York  by  Joseph  Meeks.  Meeks  was  involved  in  the 


JOURNAL  OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  VC  I  N  T  E  R  IOO4 


coastal  trade  as  early  as  1798.  Customs  records  for  Savannah  show  that 
in  1818  Meeks  shipped  ten  box  loads  of  furniture  to  that  city.  In  1820 
Meeks  opened  up  a  furniture  warehouse  in  New  Orleans.'  Wood 
shipped  in  a  box  would  suggest  sawn  boards  or  veneers.  Further  evi- 
dence of  New  York  connections  with  Winston  &  Diuguid  is  found  in 
John  Dolan's  letter  of  9  May  1825  to  Richmond  cabinetmaker  Willis 
Cowling.  Dolan,  a  former  NewYork  cabinetmaker  turned  hardware 
merchant,"  wrote  the  following: 

Mr.  C[owling]  will  further  oblige  me  by  ascertaining  how  my  demand 
against  Winston  &  Diuguid  of  Lynchburgh  [sic]  stands  at  present  I  sent  the 
acct  above  2  years  since  to  J.D.  Urquhart  Esqr.  for  Collection  it  is  upwards 
of  a  year  since  he  informed  me  that  he  got  a  judgment  against  them  &  ex- 
pected to  place  the  Nt  proceeds  to  my  Cr.  In  the  Bank  subject  to  my  Dft. 
since  then  I  have  not  heard  from  him.  I  would  be  willing  to  make  some  sac- 
rifice to  have  the  business  settled.''' 

Further  evidence  that  Lynchburg  cabinetmakers  were  cognizant  of 
New  York  styles  is  found  in  an  entry  for  27  May  1825  in  Diuguid's  ac- 
count book.  This  entry  is  for  a  trip  to  New  York  that  cost  $972.84. 
Such  a  substantial  sum  would  tend  to  indicate  that  this  was  a  busi- 
ness trip  and  that  the  cost  may  indicate  the  purchase  of  items  such  as 
wood,  veneers,  and  hardware.^" 

Diuguid's  partner,  Connecticut-born  cabinetmaker  Alanson  Win- 
ston^', first  advertised  his  business  in  the  Lynchburg  newspapers  in 
1816.^"  From  a  newspaper  notice  of  August  of  1818  it  is  first  known 
that  Winston  and  Diuguid  had  become  business  partners.^'  The  notice 
states  that  they  will  sell  a  large  quantit}'  of  mahogany  furniture  at  their 
wareroom.  Most  of  the  furniture  forms  listed  in  the  advertisement 
are  also  found  in  Diuguid's  account  book.  The  use  of  the  term  "Ware 
Room '  raises  the  question  if  all  the  furniture  was  made  by  Winston 
&  Diuguid  or  whether  they  were  retailing  furniture  made  by  others. 
For  more  information  on  cabinetmakers  and  southern  warehousing 
the  reader  should  see  Forsyth  Alexander's  article  in  t\\Q  Journal  of  Early 
Southern  Decorative  Arts.^"*  In  this  1818  notice,  Winston  &  Diuguid  also 
sought  two  or  three  apprentices  for  hire.  In  December  of  1818,  Win- 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


ston  &  Diuguid  advertised  again  tor  the  sale  oi  furniture.'''  In  this 
second  notice  they  st)'led  themselves  as  cabinetmakers,  upholsterers, 
and  undertakers.  The  advertisement  states  that  their  furniture  is  made 
of  materials  "selected  in  New  York,  by  one  of  the  first  judges."  The 
reference  to  New  York  is  an  obvious  attempt  to  connect  Winston  & 
Diuguid  to  the  furniture  style  center  of  the  country  at  that  time.  The 
notice  goes  on  to  describe  the  furniture  as  made  of  the  best  materials, 
which  probably  means  mahogany  since  that  was  the  wood  of  choice 
during  this  period.  The  other  statement  in  the  notice,  "they  have  like- 
wise have  an  assortment  of  cabinetmakers  materials  for  sale,"  would 
indicate  that  Winston  &  Diuguid  were  also  attempting  to  operate  as 
merchants  who  would  supply  materials  to  cabinetmakers  in  L\'nch- 
burg  and  the  surrounding  counties.  About  this  same  time  Richmond 
cabinetmaker  Willis  Cowling  had  expanded  his  business  in  a  similar 
fashion.^'' James  Frazier's  newspaper  notice  ot  1819  also  informs  other 
cabinetmakers  that  he  could  hirnish  them  with  mahogany' 

An  1821  Lynchburg  chancery  case,  st}'led  Tiiis/ey  Rucker  i>s.  Wi/istoii 
&  Diuguid,  provides  information  about  the  furniture  forms  made  and 
prices  charged  by  the  cabinetmaking  partnership.^^'  It  is  important  to 
note  that  this  chancer}'  suit  is  the  only  written  record  to  state  that  Ai- 
anson  Winston  was  the  Winston  of  Winston  &  Diuguid.  The  ques- 
tion arises  because  there  was  also  a  Benjamin  A.  Winston  working  as 
a  cabinetmaker  in  Lynchburg  at  the  time.'"  From  19  December  1818 
to  26  January  1819  Tinsley  Rucker  of  Amherst  County  purchased  the 
following  items  of  Winston  &  Diuguid: 

I  curtained  bedstead  $20.00  [$14.00] 

1  French  bedstead  $10.00  [$5.oo-$7.oo] 

2  French  bedsteads  $20.00 

I  trundle  bedstead  $5.00  [$1.50-55. 00] 

I  crib  $10.00  [$5.oo-$i2.oo] 

I  secretars'  G[lass]  nobs  extra  $64.00 

[$30.00-$50.00] 

I  sideboard  &  china  press  $150.00 

[$I20.00-$I50.00] 


IOURN.-\L  OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


I  sett  of-  tables  S5vOO  [s24.00-s50.00] 
I  tea  table  s6.oo  [s5.00-s15.00] 
I  dressing  table  S4.00  [si. 25-54.00] 
idressing  table  S4.00 
I  washstand  s6.oo  [s2.00-s8.00] 

From  this  list  it  is  clear  that  customers  had  a  choice  of  both  the 
more  traditional  curtained  bedstead  and  French  bedsteads,  which 
would  have  been  in  the  newly  fashionable  classical  mode.  The  set 
of  tables  at  $55.00  was  probably  a  set  of  dining  tables,  which  would 
have  been  placed  together  when  a  large  eating  surface  was  required.^" 
The  sideboard  and  china  press  at  S150.00  is  the  same  furniture  form 
that  Winston  &  Diuguid  advertised  in  the  14  August  1818  issue  of  the 
Lyiichbiirg  Press.'''  A  sideboard  and  china  press  also  appears  in  Diu- 
guid's  account  book.  This  furniture  form  consisted  of  a  china  press 
on  top  of  a  sideboard  with  an  open  space  between  the  top  of  the  side- 
board and  the  bottom  of  the  press.  There  are  two  of  these  pieces  at 
Prestwould  plantation  in  Mecklenburg  County,  Virginia.  Sideboards 
and  china  presses  were  also  found  in  the  following  Halifix  Count)', 
Virginia,  homes:  Berry  Hill,  Banister  Lodge,  and  Clarkton.'- 

Matching  the  turniture  forms  and  prices  mentioned  in  the  1821 
chancery  suit  against  Winston  &  Diuguid  with  the  same  correspond- 
ing forms  and  price  ranges  in  Diuguid's  account  book  (see  figures  in 
brackets  above)  shows  a  definite  similarit}'  in  the  price  structure.  The 
chancer)'  suit  also  contains  depositions  of  two  craftsmen  working  in 
the  shop  of  Winston  &  Diuguid.  William  Rigdons  deposition  dated 
20  September  1820  reveals  that  he  had  been  the  shop  foreman  for  two 
years.  The  other  deposition  was  by  William  G.  Bagby  This  is  prob- 
ably the  same  William  Bagby  who  mortgaged  his  personal  propert)' 
in  1824  because  he  was  indebted  to  Diuguid  and  others.  Among  the 
listed  mortgaged  items  were  "one  chest  and  tools  consisting  of  plains, 
saws,  etc.""'' 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


ANALYSIS    OF    LEDGER    D 

Because  Sampson  Diuguid's  account  begins  in  1822,  his  partnership 
with  Winston  must  have  ended  at  least  by  that  time.  It  is  important  to 
note  that  no  account  books  of  other  contemporary  Lynchburg  cabi- 
netmakers are  known  to  survive. 

Goods 

The  total  amount  of  revenue  in  Ledger  D  for  goods  and  services  has 
been  analyzed.  Goods  include  the  following  categories:  i)  all  furniture 
produced,  2)  other  woodworking  items,  mattresses,  and  upholstery 
work,  and  3)  coffins  and  funerals.  Services  are  interpreted  to  mean  re- 
pairs. The  total  amount  of  revenue  for  goods  and  services  for  1821-37 
came  to  $17,676.87.  Breaking  down  the  total  into  the  following  spe- 
cific categories  with  corresponding  figures  and  percentages  provides 
further  information  on  Diuguid's  shop: 

Furniture:  $14,465.56,  or  81.8  percent 
Coffins  ($443.25)  and  Funerals 

($1,245.00)  =  $1688.25,  or  9.6  percent 
Repairs:  $761.55,  or  4.3  percent 
Other  Woodworking  Items:  $453.47,  or 

2.6  percent 
Mattresses  ($273.06)  and  Upholstery 

($35.00)  =  $308.06,  or  1.7  percent 

These  figures  indicate  that  the  majorit)'  of  the  revenue  found  in 
Ledger  D  for  the  years  1822-37  was  from  the  production  of  furniture. 

Further  analysis  was  done  by  charting  the  nine  furniture  forms  pur- 
chased most  for  the  years  1824-36:  i)  bedsteads,  2)  tables  ($5.00  and 
above),  3)  bureaus,  4)  presses,  5)  candlestands,  6)  desks  (includes  writ- 
ing tables),  7)  sideboards,  8)  tea  tables,  and  9)  washstands.  Appendix 
A  shows  how  many  of  each  of  the  nine  furniture  forms  were  produced 
per  year.  The  chart  teveals  that  bedsteads,  tables,  and  bureaus  were  the 
main  furniture  form  produced.  The  chart  also  shows  a  decline  in  sales 
after  1829,  which  may  be  due  to  a  stagnant  economy  in  the  first  part 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


of  the  18305."'^  Future  analysis  of  Diuguid's  other  account  books  may 
help  to  explain  the  decline  of  sales  after  1829  found  in  Ledger  D. 

Clients 

The  federal  census  indices  for  1820  and  1830,  marriage  and  death  no- 
tices from  the  Lynchburg  newspapers  for  1794-1836,  and  the  personal 
property  taxes  were  used  to  identify  the  geographic  area  of  Diuguid's 
clients.  The  geographic  breakdown  of  identifiable  clients  is  as  follows: 
Lynchburg,  163;  Campbell  Count)',  56;  Bedford  County,  37;  Amherst 
Count}',  11;  Franklin,  Buckingham,  and  Pittsylvania  counties,  3  each; 
Alleghany  and  Halifax  counties,  2  each;  Nelson,  Charlotte,  Patrick, 
and  Prince  Edward  counties,  i  each;  Monroe  and  Greenbrier  counties 
(West  Virginia),  i  each. 

It  is  not  possible  to  do  a  true  quantifiable  analysis  of  the  economic 
status  of  Diuguid's  customers  because  the  records  do  not  provide  a 
complete  record  of  wealth.  The  two  tax  records  for  antebellum  Vir- 
ginia were  the  land  tax  and  the  personal  propert}'  tax.  The  latter  listed 
the  number  of  taxable  slaves  an  individual  owned.  At  this  time  neither 
of  these  taxes  record  money  lent  out,  cash  in  hand,  value  of  goods  in 
a  store,  money  in  banks,  or  stocks  held.  While  the  previously  men- 
tioned forms  of  wealth  pertained  to  anyone  in  antebellum  Virginia, 
this  was  particularly  true  of  the  inhabitants  of  cities  who  did  not  need 
to  have  large  tracts  of  land  or  large  slave  holdings.  While  a  better  pic- 
ture of  personal  wealth  is  seen  in  the  appraisal  or  estate  account  of  a 
deceased  person's  estate,  these  records  do  not  always  show  total  per- 
sonal wealth.  Not  everyone  had  an  appraisal  or  estate  account.  The 
appraisal  of  the  estate  of  one  of  Diuguid's  customers  thirty  years  after 
an  entry  in  the  account  book  does  not  give  a  picture  of  the  customer's 
economic  status  at  the  time  of  his  transaction  with  Diuguid.  Hav- 
ing made  the  above  disclaimer,  the  following  specific  examples  give 
a  rough  overview  of  the  various  levels  of  customers  who  patronized 
Diuguid's  shop.  The  examples  have  been  grouped  into  three  levels: 
wealthy,  moderately  well-off,  and  moderate  to  less  successful. 

The  top  level  of  Diuguid's  customers  is  exemplified  by  John  B.  Ca- 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


bell  of  Campbell  County,  James  C.  Steptoe  of  Bedford  County,  and 
John  Marshall  Warwick  of  Lynchburg.  The  land  tax  of  1830  records 
John  B.  Cabell  as  owning  2,411  acres.  ^''  The  1830  census  records  Cabell 
owning  forty-five  slaves.^*'  Historically,  the  ownership  oi  twenty  slaves 
was  the  criteria  for  being  considered  part  of  the  planter  class.  Cabell 
was  definitely  part  of  the  elite  planter  class.  James  C.  Steptoe  was  clerk 
of  Bedford  County  when  he  died  in  1827.  His  father  James  Steptoe  had 
held  the  position  of  clerk  previously.^'  The  1827  land  tax  shows  James 
C.  Steptoe  owning  2,788  acres  in  Bedford  County."'*  On  the  1827  per- 
sonal property  Steptoe  was  listed  with  forty  slaves  above  twelve  years 
of  age."'  (In  1827  there  was  no  taxable  categoty  for  slaves  above  six- 
teen years  of  age.)  John  Marshall  Warwick  was  a  merchant  in  Lynch- 
burg.^'"  In  1826  Warwick  built  a  new  house.  The  house  was  insured  for 
$8,000.00  and  the  outbuildings  were  insured  for  $11,50.00'''  The  1827 
land  tax  for  Lynchburg  lists  Warwick  with  eight  lots  with  buildings  val- 
ued at  $21,717.00  and  one  lot  without  a  building  valued  at  $1,000.00."- 
All  three  men  were  part  of  the  elite  white  power  structure. 

The  following  examples  are  of  clients  of  Diuguid  who  were  mod- 
erately well-ofl  planters.  Milner  Cox  of  Amherst  died  in  1828."'  From 
the  1829  Amherst  land  tax  records.  Cox's  estate  was  listed  with  two 
tracts  of  land;  one  for  256  acres  and  another  for  forty  acres."  His  per- 
sonal estate  was  appraised  at  $8,179.46,  of  which  twenty-one  slaves 
accounted  for  $7,300.25.'^'"  In  1835,  the  personal  estate  of  George  C. 
Wheeler  of  Campbell  County  was  appraised  at  $7,333.25,  of  which 
fifteen  slaves  accounted  for  $5,825.00.  A  division  of  Wheelers  estate 
shows  he  owned  397  acres. '^'" 

Diuguid  also  had  customers  who  were  artisans  or  laborers.  Examples 
of  customers  from  this  group  are:  Zachariah  Cockran,  wheelwright;" 
James  Frerwell,  boot  and  shoemaker;""  Ambrose  Page,  tailor;"'  Lind- 
sey  Shoemaker,  joiner  and  house  carpenter;  "  Claiborne  Glademan,  a 
free  black  barber;"'  and  Billy  Calls,  a  free  black  laborer.  -  On  the  1830 
personal  property  tax  for  Lynchburg,  James  Frerwell  was  taxed  for  one 
slave  above  twelve  years  and  two  slaves  above  sixteen  years.  "  Lindsey 
Shoemaker  was  taxed  for  one  slave  above  twelve  vears  and  one  slave 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  2.OO4 


above  sixteen  years. "^  Cockran,  Page,  Glademan,  and  Calls  owned  no 
taxable  slaves  in  1830.  On  the  1830  land  tax  for  Lynchburg,  Glademan 
was  taxed  on  a  lot  and  building  valued  at  $650.00.  '  Page  was  taxed 
on  a  lot  and  building  valued  at$i,030.oo.  ^'  Shoemaker  was  taxed  on 
a  lot  with  building  valued  at  $1,050.00.  He  was  also  taxed  on  two  lots 
with  no  buildings.  Each  lot  was  valued  at  $700.00.  Cochran  and 
Fretwell  owned  no  real  estate.  Billy  Calls  appears  on  the  1828  personal 
property  tax  as  being  taxed  tor  nvo  horses,  but  never  appears  again  on 
tax  records.  Billy  is  most  likely  the  William  Calls  who  in  1829  mort- 
gaged two  horses,  a  dray  or  cart,  and  other  personal  propert}'.  '^  The 
last  entry  for  Calls  in  Diuguid  s  account  book  says,  "gone  to  Liberia." 
Calls,  as  with  some  other  free  blacks  in  Virginia,  had  decided  to  be 
transported  to  Liberia  by  the  American  Colonization  Societ)'.  It  is  in- 
teresting to  note  that  Diuguid's  dealing  with  tree  blacks  did  not  seem 
to  keep  white  customers  from  frequenting  his  shop.  While  the  per- 
sonal property  and  land  taxes  do  not  show  total  wealth,  the  individu- 
als mentioned  above  probably  did  not  have  the  wealth  of  the  previous 
two  groups. 

From  looking  at  these  three  groups  it  seems  that  Diuguid  would 
sell  to  any  one  who  had  the  cash  to  purchase  goods  or  services.  This 
makes  logical  sense  because  Diuguid,  like  other  southern  cabinetmak- 
ers, was  faced  with  local  and  northern  competition.  Also,  the  econo- 
my of  Lynchburg  during  the  1820s  and  1830s  had  periods  ol  stagna- 
tion. Diuguid  was  going  to  make  a  dollar  wherever  it  could  be  made. 

Furniture  Forms  and  Cabinetmaking 
Materials  Bought  and  Sold 

Diuguid's  account  book  was  also  analyzed  to  identify  the  following 
information:  furniture  lorms  and  cabinetmaking  materials  bought 
and  sold.  In  studying  the  account  book  for  a  specific  furniture  lorm, 
the  following  information  was  abstracted:  patron's  name;  description 
(i.e.,  rype  of  wood,  etc.)  il  any;  date  ot  entry  in  the  account  book;  and 
cost.  Studying  the  account  book  this  way  allows  one  to  see,  for  exam- 
ple, how  many  bureaus  Diuguid  sold,  tor  what  price,  and  to  whom. 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


The  sorting  process  was  also  done  for  other  work  performed:  repairs; 
coffins;  funerals;  mattresses;  upholstering;  and  miscellaneous  items 
such  as  brick  moulds  or  newel  posts. 

Analysis  of  the  account  book  shows  that  Diuguid  produced  the 
following  furniture  forms:  bedsteads;  bookcases;  buffets;  bureaus;  bu- 
reaus and  bookcases;  candlestands;  chairs;  chests;  clock  cases;  coat- 
stands;  cots;  clothes  presses;  cradles;  cribs;  desks;  knife  boxes;  light 
stands;  liquor  cases;  looking  glasses;  paper  cases;  picture  frames;  pistol 
cases;  presses;  sideboards;  sugar  and  coffee  cases;  tables  (dining);  card 
tables;  dressing/toilet  tables;  ironing  tables;  kitchen  tables;  school  ta- 
bles; tea  tables;  work  tables;  trunks;  washstands;  and  wardrobes.  Hav- 
ing established  the  various  furniture  forms  that  Diuguid  made,  it  is 
helpful  to  elaborate  on  the  information  for  some  of  these  forms. 

Bedsteads,  Cots,  and  Matresses.  There  were  341  entries  that  used 
the  term  bedstead  without  any  further  description.  The  following 
entry  for  customer  Wm.  W.  Dickerson  is  a  t\'pical  Diuguid  reference 
for  a  bedstead:  "i  July  1826  i  Bedstead  5.00."  While  the  average  cost 
was  $4.00  to  $5.00,  there  were  entries  for  $25.00  and  $36.00.  The  three 
entries  that  had  a  wood  description  were  for  a  maple  bedstead  for 
$12.00  and  two  mahogany  bedsteads,  both  of  which  were  for  $25.00. 
Lynchburg  cabinetmaker  John  Hockaday  advertised  both  mahogany 
and  maple  bedsteads  in  1819.  ''  The  account  book  of  New  York 
cabinetmaker  John  Hewitt  also  records  the  sale  of  maple  bedsteads.^" 
There  were  forty-one  entries  for  trunnel  bedsteads  at  an  average  cost 
of  $3.00  to  $4.00.  The  account  book  shows  eight  entries  for  French 
bedsteads  for  a  cost  of  $5.00  to  $8.00.  These  French  bedsteads  would 
have  been  in  the  most  fashionable  classical  taste  of  the  time.  There 
were  two  entries  for  curtained  bedsteads,  both  priced  at  $14.00.  This 
t}'pe  of  bedstead  would  be  a  tall-post  bedstead  with  a  cornice  to  which 
bed  curtains  were  attached.  While  there  was  no  entry  for  a  bedstead 
with  carved  posts,  there  was  one  entry  for  a  bedstead  with  reeded 
posts  for  $35.00.  There  were  two  entries  for  single  bedsteads.  Because 
a  single  bedstead  would  take  up  a  small  amount  of  space,  this  form 


JOURNAL   OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS  -WINTER  IOO4 


may  have  been  used  tor  a  child  or  servant.  The  one  reference  to  a  "bar 
room"  bed  may  refer  to  a  bed  that  folded  up  when  not  in  use  so  as  to 
provide  more  space. '^' 

An  entr)'  for  the  sale  of  one  old  mahogany  bedstead  at  s?5.oo  in- 
dicates that  Diuguid  was  also  selling  used  furniture.  There  are  entries 
for  Diuguid  accepting  furniture  in  payment  of  clients'  accounts.  The 
entries  for  Fleming  Mosley  and  James  Diuguid  purchasing  bedsteads 
from  Sampson  Diuguid  are  somewhat  puzzling.  Mosley  was  a  turn- 
er and  James  Diuguid  was  Sampsons  brother.  Both  men  worked  for 
Sampson  Diuguid.  Moseleys  entry  has  the  name  J.  Patteson  in  paren- 
thesis and  James  Diuguid's  entr\'  has  the  remark  "for  Cook."  It  is  not 
clear  why  men  who  worked  for  Sampson  Diuguid  were  purchasing 
bedsteads  for  other  people. 

Two  other  types  of  entries  related  to  bedsteads  are  cots  and  mattress- 
es. The  account  book  of  John  Hewitt,  the  New  York  cabinetmaker,  has 
entries  for  the  sale  of  single  and  double  cots."  An  1818  revised  price  list 
for  New  York  cabinetmakers  has  a  listing  for  cot  bedsteads.^'  The  18 n 
price  book  for  District  of  Columbia  cabinetmakers  lists  the  cost  to  be 
paid  journeyman  for  making  a  cot.^^^  Both  the  New  York  and  District 
of  Columbia  price  lists  tor  journeyman  indicate  the  cot  was  the  cheap- 
est form  of  sleeping  furniture.  Diuguid's  account  book  has  three  en- 
tries for  cots  and  twenty  five  entries  for  mattresses.  Materials  used  for 
the  inside  of  the  mattresses  were  hair,  hay,  and  moss. 

Bureaus.  Most  entries  for  bureaus  read  simply  as  that  and  give  no 
further  description.  The  entry  for  customer  Henry  Porter  is  a  typical  Di- 
uguid entr)'  tor  a  bureau:  "1826  Augt  12th  To  i  Bureau  25.00."  The  only 
entr)'  describing  wood  is  for  a  "small  poplar  Buro  &  Boards  for  Case." 
There  was  one  entry  for  a  circular  bureau,  which  probably  indicates  a 
bureau  with  a  bow  front.  An  example  of  a  "bow  front"  from  Alexandria, 
Virginia,  is  shown  in  figure  9.  An  entry  in  1827  for  a  "collum  bureau" 
refers  to  a  bureau  in  the  classical  mode  with  quarter  or  fi.ill  columns  (see 
figure  10).  This  t)'pe  ot  bureau  would  have  either  turned  feet  or  lion's 
paw  feet  in  the  front  and  board  feet  cut  on  a  diagonal  in  the  back.  It  is 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF   SAMPSON   DIUGUID 


FIGURE  9,  Chest  of  drawers  by  John  Muir;  mahogany  and  mahogany  veneer 
with  white  pine;  Alexandria,  Virginia,  c.  1805.  hoa  39->h  ';  woa  40'4";  doa 
18 '■! ".  MR/  S-6411. prif.itc  culLxtiun. 


FIGURE  10.  Chest  ot  drawers;  mahogany;  Wilmington,  North  Carohna, 

1825-35.  HOA  47'4";  WOA  47''4";  DOA  lav's," .  MRF  S-122U,  pmwte  colUitnin. 


FIGURE  II.  Chest  of 
drawers;  walnut  with 
tuUp  poplar  and  yellow 
phie;  piedmont  Virgin- 
ia, 1810-20.  HOA  465/8"; 

WOA  46";  DOA  21% ". 
MRF  ,s-  -fi  { -,  priv.itc  collettiiiii. 


probable  that  the  single  reference  to  a  bureau  with  columns  means  that 
the  entries  that  just  read  "bureau"  indicate  a  plain-front  chest  of  draw- 
ers, an  example  of  which  is  shown  \n  figure  11.  The  1831  price  book  tor 
cabinetmakers  in  the  District  of  Columbia  has  a  listing  for  a  plain  bu- 
reau.^'^  Conservative  taste  or  economic  hard  times  might  have  caused 
preferences  for  plain-front  bureaus.  CUssiail  No)fo/k  Furniture,  1810- 
1840  shows  as  fig.  6-87  a  Lynchburg  bureau  with  columns.  It  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  the  columns  are  identical  to  ones  found  on  bureaus 


JOURNAL   OF  EARLY   SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS 


WINTER  1004 


recorded  in  Virginia  counties  not  par- 
ticularly close  to  Lynchburg.  It  has 
been  suggested  that  the  columns  may 
have  been  ready-made  furniture  parts 
from  the  North.  *"  This  practice  was 
employed  by  a  Duiguid  acquaintance, 
Richmond  cabinetmaker  Willis  Cowl- 
ling.'^  An  entry  for  the  sale  of  an  old 
bureau  again  documents  the  sale  of 
used  furniture. 

There  are  four  entries  for  bureaus 
that  had  a  case  on  top.  There  were  en- 
tries with  the  following  descriptions: 
a  bureau  and  bookcase  and  an  other 
description  of  a  bureau  and  case.  A 
bureau  and  bookcase  is  pictured  in 
figure  12.  The  other  two  entries  are 
for  a  cherry  press  bureau  and  a  press 
and  bureau. 

Clock  cases.  Diuguid's  account 
book  has  two  entries  for  clock  cases, 
one  in  1828  for  $15.00  and  one  in  1829 
for  a  mahogany  clock  case  priced  at 
$25.00.  The  fairly  expensive  price 
would  suggest  a  tallcase  clock.  The 
account  book  has  three  entries  for 
putting  a  glass  in  a  clock,  one  entry 


FIGURE  12.  Chest  ot  drawers  with  book- 
case; Norfoilc,  Virginia,  or  Wilmington, 
North  Carolina,  1820—30.  Courtesy  of  Geor^f 
C.  1 1  'illiams  AmericDi  Antiqitci/EstJte  Aiititjiies, 
Ch.irleston,  South  Carolina. 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON   DIUGUID 


for  repairing  a  clock  case,  and  one  entr}' 
for  varnishing  a  clock  case.  Two  of  the 
entries  for  clock  repair  are  found  in  the 
account  of  Lynchburg  silversmith,  John 
T.  Hunt.^'*  John  T.  Hunt  is  most  likely 
the  John  Hunt  who  was  apprenticed  to 
silversmiths  Williams  and  Victor  in  i8i6.^'' 
These  are  the  same  silversmiths  that  have 
been  attributed  to  making  the  works  for 
the  clock  shown  in  figiiye  2  and  the  clock 
owned  by  Colonial  Williamsburg  with 
Williams  &  Victor's  name  on  the  clock 
face.'"'  Williams  &  Victors  account  in 
Diuguid's  ledger  book  has  no  entries  for 
clock  cases. 

Desks.  Diuguid  sold  a  variet)'  of 
furniture  for  writing.  Two  entries  were 
listed  as  a  desk  and  one  entn,'  was  tor 
an  old  desk  valued  at  $12.00  There  were 
eight  entries  tor  a  secretary,  which  refers 
to  a  case  piece  with  a  top  secretary  drawer 
(i.e.,  a  drawer  with  a  front  that  pulls 
down  providing  a  writing  surface  and 
behind  which  are  compartments  to  hold 
papers  or  valuables;  below  the  secretary 
drawer  the  arrangement  may  consist  of 
drawers  or  doors).  Figure  /j  illustrates 
a  piece  of  furniture  that  has  two  doors 


FIGURE  13.  Secretary  bookcase;  mahogany 
and  mahogany  veneer  with  tulip  poplar  and 
white  pine;  Baltimore,  Mar\'land,  1800-24. 
MRf  s-9662.  private-  lollatiou. 


x6 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS 


■WINTER  1004 


FIGURE  14.  Sec- 
retary; mahogany 
and  mahogany 
veneer  with  tulip 
poplar  and  yellow 
pine;  northern 
Virginia,  1810-20. 
HOA  56%";  WOA 
57'/8";  DOA  22". 
MRF  S-irS,  prnuUe 
collection. 


below  the  secretary  drawer.  A  bureau  with  a  secretary  drawer  above 
three  drawers  can  be  seen  in  figure  14.  There  were  four  entries  for  a 
secretary  bookcase.  An  example  of  a  secretary  bookcase  can  be  seen  in 
figure  75.  The  two  entries  for  a  "counting  room"  desk  probably  refer  to  a 
desk  on  frame.  Other  furniture  forms  for  writing  were  eight  entries  for 
a  writing  desk  and  one  entry  for  a  writing  table.  An  example  of  a  writing 
table  form  can  be  seen  in  fig.  loi  oi Furniture  in  Maryland  1740-1940^^^ 
The  one  entry  for  a  "portable  desk"  may  refer  to  a  lap  desk.  Baltimore 


ACCOliNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


cabinetmaker  Edward  Priestley  used 
the  term  "portable  desk"  to  refer  to  a 
small  writing  desk  on  frame.  This  lorm 
is  illustrated  as  fig.  15  in  Alexandra 
Kirtley's  article  on  Priestly  in  the  2000 
issue  o( American  Furniture!^'  The  two 
entries  for  a  music  desk  probably  are 
tor  kirniture  that  held  sheet  music 
and  on  which  a  musician  could  rest 
an  instrument.  The  stand  in  figure  16 
shows  a  variation  that  housed  sheet 
music  and  had  a  lift-up  component  on 
which  sheet  music  could  rest  when  the 
musician  was  playing,  /v^r/r? //depicts 
a  simple  music  shelf 

Bookcases  and  Bookpresses.  Items 
used  for  the  storage  of  books  were 
a  bookcase  placed  on  top  of  a  desk 
or  secretary;  however,  as  previously 
mentioned,  there  were  entries  for  a 
bureau  and  bookcase  and  a  bureau 
and  case.  Of  the  eleven  entries  for 
bookcases,  only  two  had  specified 
woods.  One  was  made  ol  walnut  and 
the  other  was  made  of  maple.  Books 
could  also  be  housed  in  a  free  standing 
form  called  a  book  press.  Of  the  four 


II CURE  15.  Desk  and  bookcase;  mahog- 
.iny  and  bird's  eye  maple  with  tulip  pop- 
lar; Richmond,  Virginia,  1830.  hoa  49 V2"; 

WOA  47''2";  DO  A  22%".  MRF  S--661.  pniuite 
collation. 


JOURNAL   OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS 


WINTER  1004 


FIGURE  i6.  Music  stand;  mahogany  and  yellow  pine; 
Savannah,  Georgia,  1810-20;  hoa  50  ";  woa  18  ";  doa 
16V2".  mesdaAcc.  24 JS- 


FIGURE  17.  Music  stand;  mahogany  and  ma- 
hogany veneer  with  tulip  poplar  and  yellow  pine; 
central  Virginia,  1810-20;  hoa  55'/2  ";  woa  Z0V2  "; 
DOA  16".  MRF s-7s8o,  private  collection. 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON   DIUGUID 


entries  for  a  book  press,  one  is  described  as  a  "book  press  Ware  House." 
This  reference  to  a  warehouse  seems  to  indicate  that  the  press  would 
hold  bound  volumes  such  as  daybooks,  cashbooks,and  ledgers  used  for 
business  purposes. 

Presses,  Buffets,  and  Wardrobes.  Another  furniture  form  used  lor 
storage  was  a  press.  Items  stored  in  a  press  might  be  textiles  or  china. 
Wood  descriptions  for  presses  break  down  to  six  of  walnut,  one  of 
poplar,  and  one  of  pine.  There  is  one  entry  for  a  buffet,  which  is  an 
early  term  for  a  cupboard  used  for  the  display  of  china,  glass,  and 
plate.  A  buffet  might  be  freestanding  or  a  built  in  architectural  form.'"' 
The  three  entries  for  a  china  press  indicate  a  press  used  lor  housing 
crockery  and  china.  An  example  of  an  1800-20  china  press  from 
Campbell  Count)',  which  borders  Lynchburg,  is  tound  on  the  front  of 
the  exhibition  catalog  Piedmont  Virginia  Furniture^'  Wardrobes  were 
another  form  popular  in  the  first  hall  ot  the  nineteenth  century  for 
the  storage  of  clothes.  The  traditional  form  ot  storage  ol  textiles  was 
a  clothes  press.  Entries  for  a  press  combined  with  another  furniture 
form  are  a  cherry  press  and  bureau,  a  press  and  bureau,  and  press  and 
case. 

Sideboards  and  Slabs.  In  1819,  John  Hockaday,  a  Lynchburg 
cabinetmaker,  advertised  that  among  the  items  he  would  sell  at  auction 
were  French  and  plain  sideboards.""  French,  meaning  in  the  classical 
manner,  was  the  most  up-to-date  srs'le  at  the  time.'"'  An  example  of  a 
French  sideboard  is  the  one  ordered  from  New  York  by  the  Mordecai 
lamilv  of  Raleigh,  North  Carolina  (figure  iS)."'  Diuguid's  account 
book  lists  twent)'-seven  entries  using  the  generic  term  "sideboard." 
Of  the  twent}'-seven  entries  only  one  had  a  wood  description,  and 
that  was  for  a  walnut  sideboard  for  $25.00.  The  distinction  in  the 
sideboard  entries  is  found  in  the  price.  An  1825  entry  for  a  $45.00 
sideboard  for  lames  Fretwell  describes  an  expensive  piece  of  furniture, 
probably  made  of  mahogany  in  the  current  st)'le.  The  1826  entr}'  for 
James  Claytors  $80.00  sideboard  describes  an  even  more  expensive 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS  ^'INTER  IOO4 


FIGURE  i8.  Side- 
board; mahogany 
and  mahogany  ve- 
neer with  mahog- 
any, tuhp  poplar, 
and  white  pine; 
New  York,  1817. 
HOA  43 '/i";  wo  A 
6o4'4";  DOA  16V4". 
MRf  S-12240.  Courtesy 
iif  Mindtidi  Historic 
P.irk,  RJagk  North 
Carolina. 


piece  of  furniture.  During  this  time  period  in  southern  Virginia,  the 
average  sideboard  listed  in  the  appraisal  of  a  deceased  person's  estate, 
even  though  it  might  have  some  age,  rarely  was  valued  at  sso.oo  or 
above.  Besides  making  sideboards,  Diuguid  also  made  a  sideboard  on 
which  was  placed  a  china  press  or  press.  Examples  of  this  form  are 
pictured  in  figs.  5-32,  5-42,  and  6-78  of  Classical  Norfolk  Furniture, 
1810-1840'.'^  There  is  one  entry  for  a  "slop  table,"  which  may  refer  to 
a  "slab  table,"  or  a  sideboard  table  that  was  a  tall-legged  table  used  for 
serving.'*'' 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


Tables.  Entries  in  the  account  book  tor  tables  used  tor  eating  were 
described  as  dining  tables  or  sets  of  tables  or  just  as  tables.  The  entry 
for  customer  Samuel  Steel  is  a  typical  Diuguid  description  for  a  table: 
"1827  Dec  12  To  I  Table  io[.oo]."  Sets  of  tables  were  used  together 
to  provide  a  larger  eating  surface.  End  tables  or  pairs  of  end  tables 
were  used  as  banquet  ends.'""  Lynchburg  cabinetmaker  James  Frazer 
advertised  in  1818  that  he  had  "finished"  some  tea  tables  with  and 
without  pillar  and  claws  and  card  tables  on  harps  and  scrolls.'"'  This 
notice  clearly  shows  that  the  current  classical-sr)'le  furniture  was  being 
produced  in  Lynchburg.  The  account  book  has  twenty-nine  entries 
for  tea  tables.  Because  the  entries  for  this  form  are  simply  described 
as  "tea  table,"  one  is  left  to  wonder  if  this  refers  to  a  Pembroke  table 
with  tapered  or  turned  legs  or  a  pillar-and-claw  style  table.  The  same 
type  ot  generic  description  is  used  when  describing  work  tables  and 
card  tables.  There  were  eighteen  entries  for  dressing/toilet  tables.  An 
example  of  a  New  York  toilet  table  ordered  by  the  Mordecai  family 
ot  Raleigh,  North  Carolina  is  shown  m  figure  19}"-  The  account  book 
shows  the  production  of  more  utilitarian  tables  such  as  two  kitchen 
tables  and  eight  ironing  tables.'"* 

Chairs.  Chairs  were  not  a  major  furniture  form  sold  by  Diuguid, 
at  least  in  Ledger  D  ot  his  account  books.  There  are  nine  entries  for 
easy  chairs,  which  would  indicate  that  there  was  an  upholsterer  in  his 
shop  or  that  he  contracted  the  work  out.  All  other  entries  for  chairs 
refer  to  side  chairs,  possibly  Windsor  or  slatback  chairs.  There  are  three 
entries  for  the  sale  of  a  dozen  chairs  and  four  entries  for  the  sale  of  a 
half-dozen  chairs.  Ot  the  entries  tor  chairs  sold  in  sets  ot  six,  two  of 
the  entries  indicate  the  chairs  came  trom  Chesley  Hardy,  a  Lynchburg 
chairmaker.  Under  Chesley  Hardy's  account,  there  were  seven  entries 
for  paying  Duiguid  in  chairs  rather  than  in  cash.  An  example  ot  one 
Chesley  Hardys  chairs  (in  partnership  with  George  T.  fohnson)  is 
illustrated  figure  20.  There  are  tour  entries  tor  making  a  chair  "draw," 
which  may  refer  to  a  drawer  tound  on  a  writing  desk  Windsor  chair. 
An  example  of  a  writing  desk  chair  can  be  seen  m  figure  21.  The  one 


JOURNAL   OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


Figure  19.  Table;  maple 
and  white  pine  with 
white  pine  and  tuHp 
poplar;  New  York,  1817. 
HOA  35'/2";  WOA  36"; 

DOA  20".  MRFS-12246. 
Courtesy  ofMordeaii  Historic 
Park,  Raleigh,  North  Carolina. 


entry  for  the  sale  ot  "R  chairs"  could  refer  to  reed-bottom  chairs  or 
even  chairs  painted  red. 

Frames  and  Looking  Glasses.  There  are  several  entries  in  Duiguids 
account  book  for  picture  frames;  however,  he  also  made  frames  for 
a  variety  of  objects.  There  are  ten  entries  for  portrait  frames.  One  of 
the  portrait  frames  was  gilded  by  the  Lynchburg  chairmaker  Chesley 
Hardy.  There  are  eight  frames  for  miniatures,  five  frames  for  samplers, 
and  one  frame  for  a  map.  The  entries  for  a  looking  glass  usually  refer 
to  a  looking  glass  plate,  which  would  seem  to  indicate  the  installation 
or  replacement  of  a  mirror. 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


11  Gil  RE    20. 

.son  &  Ches 
Virginia,  ca. 

MRf  s-fiii'^  pr, 


Windsor  .s 
ley  Hard)'; 
1821.  HOA 

vatc  iiilUaiiii 


Repairs  and  Miscellaneous 

The  entries  for  repairs  to  furniture  far  out- 
number entries  for  any  one  hirniture  form. 
The  same  holds  true  for  entries  for  various 
other  woodworking  activities  in  which  Di- 
uguid  was  involved.  Some  entries  are  for 
architectural  forms  such  as  turning  newel 
posts,  turning  columns  for  a  store,  or  for 
making  one  thousand  shingles.  In  1826,  Bal- 
timore cabinetmaker  Edward  Priestley  made 
a  handrail  and  newel  posts  for  Edward  Lloyd 
V  of  Wye  House.'"*  Other  entries  in  Diu- 
guid's  account  book  are  for  business-related 
materials  such  as  a  pedlar's  box,  work  on  hat 
blocks,  and  brick  moulds.  Some  items  such 
as  a  spool  for  a  flax  wheel,  a  churn  top,  and 
flour  boxes  were  clearly  for  domestic  use. 

Coffins  and  Burials 

James  Frazer,  a  Lynchburg  cabinetmak- 
er, advertised  in  November  ot  1818  that  he 
had  a  bier  and  a  pall  and  would  soon  have 
a  hearse.'"^  In  the  10  December  1818  issue 
of  the  Lynchburg  Press,  Winston  &  Diuguid 
informed  the  public  that  they  provided  the 
service  of  undertakers  and  that  there  was  no 
charge  for  use  ot  their  hearse.'"" 

When  Diuguid  went  into  business  for 
himself  he  continued  to  ofler  his  service  as 
an  undertaker.  The  account  book  has  fifr)'-one  entries  for  making  cof- 
fins and  one  hundred  and  thirteen  entries  for  funerals.  As  mentioned 
earlier,  Diuguid  also  maintained  a  set  ot  books  called  "Burial  Books." 
The  first  book  is  "Burial  Book  No.  i,  1820-1845."  Examination  ol  this 
volume  contains  the  same  entries  for  coiTlns  and  burials  found  in  Led- 


ide  chair  bv  George  T.  John 
tulip  poplar;  Lynchburg, 
35'/2";  WOA  16'  2";  DOA  IS  '. 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY   SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS 


WINTER  1004 


ger  D  plus  entries  not  found  in  the  account  book.  Thus  Diuguid  was 
making  more  coffins  and  conducting  more  funerals  than  the  account 
book  records.  Diuguid's  service  to  the  communit}'  as  an  undertaker  is 
best  described  in  his  own  obituary: 

In  his  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  business,  Mr.  Diuguid  has  assisted  in 
consigning  hundreds,  yes  thousands,  we  may  add  to  the  cold  chambers  of 
the  dead;  and  now,  in  fulfillment  of  the  inexorable  destiny  of  man,  he  too 
has  gone  down  beneath  the  clod  of  the  valley.  Peace  to  his  ashes;  honor  to 
his  memory.'" 


FIGURE  21.  Windsor 
writing  armchair  by  An- 
drew &  Robert  T.  Mc- 
Kim;  Richmond,  Vir- 
ginia, 1802.  HOA  37%"; 
WOA  24";  DOA  1744". 

MESDA  Aa.  p82. 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


upholstery  Work 

As  previously  mentioned,  the  account  book  lists  nine  entries  tor  the 
sale  of  easy  chairs.  "While  there  are  no  entries  for  the  sale  of  settees,  there 
is  one  entry  for  the  sale  of  a  settee  seat  and  pillow.  The  account  book 
does  not  list  the  sale  of  sofas,  but  there  is  one  entry  for  covering  a  sofa 
and  two  entries  for  upholstering  a  sofa.  There  is  an  entry  for  repairs  to 
sohi  pillows  and  an  entr}-  for  a  bolster  and  pillow.  When  these  entries 
are  compared  with  the  previous  twenty-five  entries  for  mattresses,  it 
does  not  appear  the  Diuguid  was  involved  in  extensive  upholstery  of 
furniture.  Ledger  D  does  not  mention  payment  to  an  upholsterer;  it 
seems  likely  that  Diuguid  subcontracted  upholsterv'  work  out. 

Workforce 

Who  made  up  the  workforce  of  Diuguid's  shop?  The  Lynchburg 
personal  property  tax  of  1826  shows  Duiguid  paying  taxes  for  himself 
and  three  other  white  males  above  sixteen  years  of  age  and  three  slaves 
above  sixteen  years  of  age.  ""^  In  1830  he  paid  a  tax  on  himself  and  two 
whites  above  sixteen,  three  slaves  above  sixteen,  and  five  slaves  above 
twelve.'"'  As  Diuguid's  two  sons  who  survived  to  maturity  where  born 
in  1818  and  1820,  the  white  males  over  sixteen  were  probably  appren- 
tices or  journeyman  who  worked  in  the  shop. ' '"  The  category  for  slaves 
over  sixteen  was  for  both  male  and  female  slaves  and  it  is  not  clear  if 
slaves  worked  in  the  shop.  The  Overseers  of  the  Poor  tor  Lynchburg  in 
1834  apprenticed  Richard  B.H.  Bailey  to  Diuguid  and  in  1848  appren- 
ticed John  Allen  to  him.'"  The  1850  census  shows  six  cabinetmakers 
and  one  turner  in  the  household  ot  Sampson  Diuguid."'  Diuguid's 
account  book  provides  more  information  concerning  work  done  for 
him  for  the  period  1824  to  1828.  The  account  book  lists  the  following 
men  who  did  work  totaling  a  hundred  dollars  or  more:  John  Hocka- 
day;  James  Diuguid;  Fleming  Mosley;  Thomas  Watson;  Robert  Town- 
ley;  Dolphin  Drew;  and  Ormon  Bagby.  The  account  book  uses  dou- 
ble portfolio  pagination,  which  has  debits  on  the  left-hand  page  and 
credits  on  the  right-hand  page.  Like  the  account  book  of  New  York 


JOURNAL  OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  1004 


cabinetmaker  John  Hewitt,  Diuguid's  account  book  shows  payment 
for  a  specific  job  as  well  as  tor  specific  periods  oi  time."^ 

Lynchburg  cabinetmaker  John  Hockaday  did  work  for  Diuguid 
from  1824-28.  Most  entries  say  "by  am[oun]t  oi  work  done"  or  "by 
work  to  this  date"  followed  by  a  dollar  amount.  One  entrv'  in  1828  was 
for  repairing  two  sofas.  Hockaday  s  account  shows  $815.44  in  the  deb- 
it column  and  $808.14  in  the  credit  column.  His  account  ends  with 
the  remark,  "carried  to  LE  12th  page."  The  reference  to  "LE"  refers 
to  Ledger  Book  E.  In  the  debit  column  for  Hockaday  are  six  entries 
for  furniture  purchased.  Four  of  the  six  entries  have  a  person's  name 
attached  to  the  entry.  An  example  of  this  type  of  purchase  is  the  fol- 
lowing entry:  "i  table  for  Lew\vellin."  There  is  one  entry  in  the  debit 
column  for  turning  posts.  These  entries  for  the  purchase  oi  furniture 
may  indicate  that  Hockaday  had  an  order  to  fill  and  did  not  have 
enough  ready-made  stock  on  hand.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Hocka- 
day worked  in  Diuguid's  shop,  but  rather  that  he  probably  did  this 
work  in  his  own  shop. 

James  H.  Diuguid,  Sampson  Diuguid's  brother,  was  credited  with 
doing  work  from  1825-28.  Because  James's  credit  for  work,  which 
ranged  from  $211.00  to  $340.00,  was  usually  entered  in  the  account 
book  at  the  end  of  December,  this  is  probably  his  total  pay  for  the 
year."^  An  entry  on  i  January  1825  for  $228.08  likely  refers  to  work 
done  in  1824.  The  amount  in  the  debit  column  was  $1,439.70  and 
there  were  four  entries  for  furniture  purchased  with  another  person's 
name  in  the  entr)'.  The  credit  column  shows  a  total  of  $1,519.17.  How- 
ever the  entry  "carried  to  LE  page  13th"  indicates  the  continuation  of 
work  being  recorded  in  another  book.  By  the  1850s,  James  was  in  Roa- 
noke, Virginia,  working  as  an  undertaker."^ 

In  1811,  Fleming  Mosley  was  apprenticed  to  Windsor  chairmakers 
Hobday  &  Seaton  of  Richmond.'"'  He  was  credited  for  work  done 
from  1825-26.  An  entry  for  31  August  credits  him  $1.50  for  "turning 
legs  &  Stumps."  Stumps  refers  to  a  stump  foot.  Under  the  heading 
for  a  plain  bureau  in  the  1831  price  book  for  the  District  of  Columbia 
is  the  description,  "stump  feet  let  into  the  legs."""  In  1826,  Mosley 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


was  credited  $4.00  tor  turning  five  sets  ot  posts  and  $14.25  tor  turn- 
ing nineteen  sets  of  posts.  These  posts  are  more  than  likely  posts  for 
bedsteads.  The  total  in  credit  column  was  $135.65.  Seven  entries  in  the 
debit  column  were  for  the  purchase  of  furniture,  one  oi  which  was  for 
a  J.  Patteson.  The  entry,  "paid  off,"  would  indicate  the  conclusion  ot 
business  dealings  with  Mosley. 

Dolphin  Drew  was  credited  on  December  1825  with  $323. 91  for 
work  done  and  on  17  July  for  $141.50  for  work  done.  In  1825  Drew 
married  Mary  B.  Booker,  daughter  oi  Peter  E.  Booker,"**  a  Lynch- 
burg cabinetmaker."'  An  entry  of  1834  shows  that  he  sold  to  Diu- 
guid  a  lot  ot  tools  that  he  had  purchased  trom  the  estate  of  William 
Drew.'-"  The  appraisal  of"  William  Drew's  estate  consisted  solely  oi  the 
following  woodworking  tools:  "i  set  Brace  and  bits,  3  saws,  i  set  bench 
plains,  a  sash  plain,  i  pair  tongue  and  grove  plains,  i  pair  hollow  and 
Rounds,  2  bead  plains,  i  Rabit  plain,  2  Squares,  i  oil  stone,  i  set  files 
chisels  etc."'"'  A  subsequent  deed  shows  that  William  was  the  brother 
oi  Dolphin.'--  Drew's  account  shows  $735.79  in  the  debit  column  and 
$727.82  in  the  credit  column.  In  the  debit  column  there  were  eleven 
entries  for  the  purchase  ot  forniture  and  rsvo  of  the  eleven  entries  had 
a  person's  name  in  the  entry.  Drew's  accoimt  shows  continued  work 
with  Diuguid  with  the  entry,  "carried  to  LG,"  or  Ledger  Book  G.  In 
the  1850  census  Dolphin  is  listed  as  a  laborer  living  in  the  household 
oi  his  father-in-law  Peter  E.  Booker,  whose  occupation  was  that  oi 
weigh  master. 

Thomas  Watson  was  credited  on  25  December  1827  with  $150.00 
for  one  year's  work  and  on  25  December  1828  with  $180.00  for  one 
year's  work.  Watson's  account  shows  $170.83  in  the  debit  column  and 
$353.00  in  the  credit  column.  On  the  debit  side  of  his  account  is  an 
entry  for  "  Pittsylvania  trip. "  Pittsylvania  Count)'  is  south  of  Lynch- 
burg and  could  have  been  Watson's  home  count}'.  Again  there  is  the 
entry,  "carried  to  LE  14th  page. " 

Ormon  Bagby  was  credited  on  31  December  1825  with  $8.78  for 
"overwork."  The  term  "overwork "  refers  to  working  more  hours  than 
the  normal  workday.'-'  On  26  December  1826  he  was  credited  with 


JOURNAL  OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


$95-00  i"or  six  month's  work  at  $14.58  per  month.  Bagbv's  account 
shows  $53.07  in  the  credit  cokimn  and  $103.78  in  the  debit  cokmin. 
Like  the  accounts  tor  others  working  tor  Diuguid,  there  is  the  entry, 
"carried  to  LE  15th  page." 

Robert  Townley  on  25  December  1826  was  credited  with  $8.44  tor 
"overwork"  and  $10.00  for  working  a  month.  On  25  December  he  was 
credited  $175.00  tor  a  year's  work.  An  entry  tor  ii  October  of  $82.63 
was  for  "5%  M  work  ($14.55  '/^  P^-  rno.  Payable  furniture)."  Town- 
ley — like  Bagby — seemed  to  be  paid  on  a  wage  basis  rather  than  by 
the  piece  of  furniture.  Townleys  account  shows  $219.38  in  the  debit 
column.  There  are  entries  for  the  purchase  of  a  bedstead  and  a  trun- 
nel  bedstead  in  the  debit  column.  The  total  in  the  credit  column  was 
$267.63,  and  again  the  entry  "carried  to  LE  i6th  page." 

An  exception  to  doing  a  hundred  dollars  worth  ot  work  was  W. 
Bibb,  who  had  a  brief  work  experience  with  Diuguid.  He  was  ad- 
vanced $.50  in  cash  on  31  January  1827.  On  13  February  1827,  Bibb  was 
advanced  $14.00  in  cash  and  was  charged  $6.50  tor  board.  Bibb  repaid 
this  debt  by  making  furniture.  On  31  January  1827  he  was  paid  $10.00 
tor  making  a  bureau  and  again  on  12  February  1827  he  was  paid  $11.00 
for  making  a  bureau.  It  is  not  clear  why  Bibb  was  paid  for  piecework 
while  Bagby  and  Townley  were  paid  on  a  time  basis.  Bibb's  account 
shows  a  total  tigure  of  $21.00  in  both  the  debit  and  credit  columns. 

Goods  a7id  Services  Provided  to  Cabinetmakers 
and  a  Chairmaker 

Diuguid's  account  book  shows  John  Hockaday,  cabinetmaker,  was 
indebted  to  him  for  the  following  items:  candles,  coffee,  tea,  sugar, 
brandy,  shoes,  pork,  meal,  molasses,  and  cash  advances.  Hockaday 
purchased  the  following  wood  trom  Diuguid  :  "thirty-four  teet  of 

plank,"  "seventy  nine  feet  of in  poplar, "  and  "birch  scantling. " 

The  fact  that  Hockaday  purchased  eight  pieces  ot  furniture  raises  the 
question  as  to  whether  he  was  operating  a  furniture  warehouse  where 
he  sold  his  own  furniture  along  with  that  made  by  others. 

Lynchburg  cabinetmaker,  Samuel  Burch,''*  purchased  pine  and 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


poplar  trom  Diuguid.  He  also  purchased  one  set  ot  bed  posts  and  a 
bureau.  Burch  had  one  entry  for  the  hire  of  Diuguid's  hearse.  Part  of 
his  bill  was  repaid  in  walnut  and  pine  plank. 

The  account  of  cabinetmaker,  James  Frazier,  shows  that  he  pur- 
chased the  following  types  of  wood:  mahogany,  walnut,  poplar,  and 
sugar  tree  or  maple.  There  is  one  entry  for  the  purchase  of  two  bed 
joints.  Frazier  borrowed  Diuguid's  hearse  and  horse  six  times.  Frazier 
paid  back  his  debt  with  mahogany  and  walnut. 

Diuguid's  former  partner,  Alanson  Winston,  purchased  the  follow- 
ing wood:  mahogany,  maple,  poplar,  walnut,  and  cherry.  There  are 
four  entries  for  the  purchase  of  veneers.  The  only  entry  for  the  pur- 
chase of  hardware  was  for  two  sets  of  castors.  Winston  purchased  a 
$12.00  bedstead  and  a  candlestand  pillar.  The  purchase  of  a  four-foot 
mahogany  pillar  and  a  carved  cap  may  refer  to  furniture  parts  or  archi- 
tectural components.  Winston  also  hired  Diuguid's  hearse  for  a  day. 

Richmond  cabinetmaker  Willis  Cowling  had  business  dealings 
with  Winston  &  Diuguid,  Sampson  Diuguid,  and  James  Frazier.  In 
1818,  Winston  &  Diuguid  requested  Cowling  send  them  the  box  of 
wood  that  Mr.  Meeks  had  sent  them.'-'  In  his  letter  of  9  May  1825, 
John  Dolan,  former  New  York  cabinetmaker  and  then  hardware  mer- 
chant,'-'' requested  Cowling's  aid  in  collecting  debts  due  him  from 
Winston  &  Diuguid.'-  Diuguid's  account  book  shows  an  4  October 
1826  entry  for  advancing  Cowling  $50.00  in  cash  and  an  entry  of  4  No- 
vember 1826  for  paying  J.  Early  $44.07.  Cowling  was  a  steward  at  what 
is  now  Centenary  Methodist  Church  in  Richmond'-^  and  John  Early 
was  a  Methodist  minister  and  later  a  bishop  in  Lynchburg.'-'  Cowl- 
ing repaid  his  debt  on  4  October  1826  with  "2  logs  B[ay]  mah[oghan]y 
425flt]  8  In[ches]  @  11V2  c[ents]"  and  "19yds  16  in  Haircloth." 

Cowling  also  had  financial  dealings  with  James  Frazier.  Fearing 
Frazier  would  not  repay  him.  Cowling  sought  help  from  his  connec- 
tions in  Lynchburg.  The  following  letter  of  28  September  1820""  from 
Lynchburg  tinsmith  William  Burd'"  describes  the  situation.  The  use 
of  the  term  "Brother "  is  used  by  Cowling  and  his  fellow  Methodists 
when  addressing  each  other  in  writing. 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


Lynchburg  28th  Sept.  1820 
Dr.  Brother  Cowling, 

This  morning  Bro  Truslaw  and  myself  Waited  on  Mr.  Frazier  to  see  what 
could  be  done  for  you  we  Find  it  will  be  not  an  easy  matter  to  save  the 
debt  or  Indeed  any  Tolerable  part  of  it  we  learn  that  a  man  here  one  of 
his  neighbours  has  a  fear  [not  legible]  money  In  my  Opinion  is  out  of  the 
question  we  have  succeeded  in  getting  the  promise  of  four  dozen  Winsor 
Chairs  Such  as  he  sells  at  $24  per  Doz  we  get  them  at  $20-we  also  get  one 
secretary  and  Book  Case  he  asks  one  hundreds  for  it  but  let  us  have  it  for 
$80-  we  also  get  one  Bureau  at  $24-  and  two  Barrells  of  Spirits  ot  Turpen- 
tine about  50  gallons  as  there  is  but  little  dependence  in  his  word  of  promise 
we  have  taken  the  Turpentine  away  that  stand  us  one  Dollar  per  Gallon  the 
furniture  has  the  mounting  yet  to  put  on  and  some  of  the  Chairs  is  to  paint 
we  Intend  getting  these  away  as  fast  as  they  are  Finished  lest  he  Should  sell 
them  to  another  which  we  have  some  fear  about  Should  we  succeed  in  get- 
ting all  that  is  promised  we  would  be  glad  to  be  advised  what  to  do  with  it. 
— he  also  promises  to  pay  the  amount  of  the  note  you  gave  me  in  money 
which  for  my  part  I  don't  depend  upon  If  we  get  what  is  promised  I  think 
we  may  succeed  in  getting  the  balance  in  something  sooner  or  later 

I  am  Your  Bro.  Wm.  Burd 

In  his  letter  of  18  October  1821,  Burd  wrote  Cowling  about  further 
plans  to  deal  with  debts  owed  by  Frazier.  The  letter  specifically  men- 
tions a  debt  of  $30.00  to  $35.00  owed  lor  the  purchase  ol  mahoga- 
ny.''- 

Chesley  Hardy,  a  Lynchburg  chairmaker,  also  had  an  account  with 
Diuguid.  On  the  debit  side  of  his  account  are  entries  for  "curled  hair," 
which  Hardy  would  have  used  lor  upholstery  purposes.  On  lour  occa- 
sions Hardy  had  Diuguid  put  a  drawer  on  a  chair.  As  previously  men- 
tioned, this  would  have  been  a  writing-arm  Windsor  such  as  the  one 
seen  m  figure  21.  On  the  credit  side  of  Hardy's  account  are  six  entries 
for  "'/2  dozen  chairs"  and  an  entry  for  three  hundred  and  twenty  feet 
of  pine. 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON   DIUGUID 


CONCLUSION 

Analysis  of  Sampson  Diuguid's  Ledger  D  account  book  reveals  the 
various  hirniture  forms  he  made.  The  sideboard  with  china  press  was 
a  new  form  that  made  its  appearance  in  the  early-nineteenth  century. 
The  1827  entry  for  a  columned  bureau  shows  that  Diuguid  was  pro- 
ducing some  classical-st\'led  furniture.  Another  1827  entry  for  a  re- 
pair or  alteration  is  described  as,  "to  pillars  to  C.  Press."  The  term  "C. 
Press"  could  refer  to  a  china  press  or  a  clothes  press.  Pillars  may  refer 
to  pilasters  or  some  form  of  columns.  These  entries,  along  with  the 
entry  for  Diuguid's  trip  to  New  York  and  the  previously  mentioned 
newspaper  notices,  show  that  Lynchburg  cabinetmakers  were  aware  of 
and  accepting  of  the  current  New  York  furniture  st\'les. 

Furniture  made  in  the  first  three  decades  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury in  Virginia  needs  further  research;  however,  Diuguid's  Ledger  D 
provides  the  rare  opportunity  to  examine  this  period  by  use  of  prima- 
ry source  material.  The  Virginia  Piedmont  Furniture  Exhibition,  nu- 
merous articles  in  MESDKs  Joiir/hi/  of  Eiir/y  Soittheiii  Deconnive  Arts, 
and,  most  recently,  the  book  Classical  Norfolk  Furniture,  1810—1S40 
have  provided  valuable  information  on  this  period.  It  is  hoped  that 
this  article  has  added  to  that  body  of  knowledge  and  will  encourage 
others  to  continue  research  of  early-nineteenth-century  Virginia  fur- 
niture. Study  of  the  other  recently  discovered  Diuguid  furniture  ac- 
count books  will  provide  a  further  understanding  of  his  cabinetmak- 
ing  business.  Perhaps  the  best  compliment  to  Sampson  Diuguid  as  a 
cabinetmaker  is  found  in  his  biographical  sketch  found  in  Margaret 
Couch  Anthony  Cabell's  1858  work  Sketches  and  Recollectio>is  of  Lynch- 
burg by  the  Oldest  Inhabitant. 

Whilst  John  and  Hardin  Murrell  were  diligently  employed  on  one  side  of 
the  street,  dispensing  from  the  post-office  good  and  ill,  Sampson  Diuguid, 
on  the  other  side,  was  equally  occupied  in  another  department  of  life  and 
death.  Combining  the  occupation  of  cabinet-maker  and  undertaker,  he 
industriously  pursued  his  avocations  for  the  benefit  of  the  living  and  the 
dead;  and  his  ser\-ices  to  the  former,  will  long  remain  visible  throughout  the 
whole  section  of  country  around  Lynchburg,  in  the  beautiful,  durable  fur- 


JOURNAL   OF  EARLY   SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE   ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


niture,  by  him  manufactured,  differing  so  widely  from  those  slight  showy 
articles  procured  from  the  Northern  cities.  "* 

CHRISTIAN  KOLBE  is  the  Senior  Research  Archivist  at  Vie  Li- 
brary of  Virginia  in  Richmond,  Virginia.  He  may  be  contacted  via  e-mail 
at  ckolbe@h>a.  lib.  va.  us. 


APPENDIX  A.  Amount  and  Type  of  Furniture  Sold  by  Sampson 
Diuguid  by  Year  from  1824-36 


1824   1825   1826  \i 


1828  1820  1830  1831   1832  1833  1834  1833  1836  TOTAL 


Bedsteads 

7 

87 

78 

76 

67 

}C 

24 

Tables 

6 

20 

19 

22 

13 

13 

6 

Bureaus 

7 

27 

18 

23 

23 

5 

2 

Presses 

1 

3 

7 

10 

6 

2 

1 

Candlestands 

3 

8 

7 

14 

9 

6 

1 

Desks 

2 

5 

6 

7 

3 

1 

1 

Sideboards 

2 

7 

4 

7 

6 

3 

1 

Tea  Tables 

2 

5 

4 

4 

8 

3 

Washstands 

3 

6 

1 

7 

8 

1 

416 
107 
120 
31 
52 
26 
30 


NOTES 

1.  Eleanor  MacRae,  Wilham  Diuguid  of  Btukingham  County.  \':rgiiiiii  (Virginia  Beach.  VA: 
E.H.  MacRae,  1989),  IS4. 

2.  Digital  picture  of  p.  119  of  Ledger  C  with  account  ol  Jacob  Earley,  e-mail  from  Ted  Del- 
aney.  Archivist  and  Curator  of  the  Old  City  Cemetery,  Lynchburg,  VA,  to  author,  18  October 
200s. 

(.Telephone  conversation  with  led  Delaney,  Archivist  and  Curator  ol  the  Old  City  Cem- 
etery, Lynchburg,  VA,  4  October  2005. 

4.  Ledger  D  is  listed  under  Diuguid  Furniture  Company  1820-1830,  ace.  iU402b,  Jones  Me- 
morial Library,  Lynchburg,  VA. 

5.  Telephone  conversation  with  Ted  Delaney,  Archivist  and  Curator  of  the  Old  Cir>'  Cem- 
etery, Lynchburg,  VA,  17  October  200s. 

6.  S.  Allen  Chambers,  Jr.,  Lyiuiihurg:  An  Architectunil  Huron  (Charlottesville,  VA:  Univer- 
sity Press  of  Virginia,  1981),  2. 

7.  Ibid.,  6-8. 

8.  Ibid.,  10. 

9.  Ibid.,  30-31. 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


10.  Ibid.,  38-40. 

11.  S.  Allen  Chambers,  Jr..  PopLir  Forar  uiid  Tlwnuis  Jefferson  (Little  Compton,  RI:  Fort 
Church  Publishers,  Inc..  1993).  lio. 

II.  Ibid.,  126. 

13.  Chambers,  Lynchburg:  Architectural  Hutory.  80-81. 

14.  Ibid.,  100-105. 

15.  Ronald  L.  Hurst  and  Jonathan  Prown.  Southern  Furniture.  i6So-i8)o:  Vie  Colonial  Wil- 
liamsburg Collection  (Williamsburg,  VA:  The  Colonial  Williamsburg  Foundation  in  association 
with  Harr\'  N.  Abrams,  199^).  483. 

16.  Ibid.,  224. 

17.  Patricia  A.  Piorkowski,  Piedmont  Virginia  Furniture:  Product  of  Provincial  Cabinetmakers 
(Lynchburg,  VA:  Lynchburg  Museum  System,  19S2),  biographical  sketch  ot  ALinsnn  Winston. 

18.  Ibid.,  biographical  sketch  on  James  Frazier. 

19.  Richmond  City,  Hustings  Court,  Order  Book  9,  1810-1812,  419. 

20.  Lynchburg  Press,  5  April  1819,  3-6. 

21.  Hurst  and  Prown,  Southern  Furniture.  i6So—iS-io.  483. 

22.  Ibid.,  s— . 

23.  Lynchburg  L'ress.  18  March  1819,  3-s. 

24.  Hurst  and  Prown.  Southern  Furniture,  i6So-iSiO.  483-485. 

25.  Ibid. 

26.  Curator's  Worksheet,  Accession  No.  2001-763,  The  Colonial  Williamsburg  Foundation, 
Williamsburg,  VA. 

27.  Accession  No.  80.19. i,  Lynchburg  Museum  System,  Lynchburg,  VA. 

28.  Piorkowski,  Piedmont  Virginia  Furniture,  catalog  no.  14. 

29.  MacRae,  William  Diuguid  of  Buckingham  County.  Virginia.  254. 

30.  Hurst  and  Prown,  Southern  Furniture.  i6So—iSjO,  483. 

31.  Oscar  F.  Fitzgerald,  Vie  Green  Family  of  Cabinetmakers:  An  Alexandria  Institution.  1S1-- 
18S7  (Alexandria,  VA:  The  Lyceum,  1986),  19-20. 

32.  Lynchburg  Press.  14  August  1818,  4-4. 

33.  Lynchburg  City,  Superior  Court  of  Chancery,  Rucker  vs.  Winston  &  Diuguid.  1S21-028, 
Library  of  Virginia,  Richmond,  VA  (henceforth  cited  as  LVA). 

34.  Lynchburg  Press.  5  April  1819.  3-6. 

35.  J.Christian  Kolbe,  "Willis  Cowling  (1788-4828):  Richmond  Cabinetmaker,"  Journal  of 
Early  Southern  Decorative  Arts,  vol,  xxvii,  no.  2  (Winter  2001):  61-64. 

36.  Richmond  City,  Hustings  Court,  Willis  Cowling  Papers  (henceforth  cited  as  CP),  Win- 
ston &  Diuguid  to  Willis  Cowling,  2-  October  1818,  LVA. 

37.  Jodi  Pollack,  "The  Meeks  Cabinetmaking  Firm  in  New  York  Cit\':  1-95-183S."  Tlte  Maga- 
zine Antiques  (May  2002):  104-105. 

38.  Peter  M.  Kennv,  "From  New  Bedford  to  New  York  to  Rio  and  Back:  The  Life  and  Times 
of  Elisha  Blossom,  Jr.,  Artisan  of  the  New  Republic,"  American  Furniture  (2003):  26-,  n.i6. 

39.  John  T.  Dolan  to  Willis  Cowling,  9  May  1825,  CP,  LVA. 

40.  Diuguid's  Burial  Records,  Diuguid  Furniture  Co.  (1820-1830),  Accession  No.  132402b, 
Cash  Account  entry  for  27  May  1825,  Jones  Memorial  Library,  Lynchburg,  VA. 

41.  Piorkowski,  Piedmont  Virginia  Furniture,  biographical  sketch  ot  Alanson  Winston. 

42.  TJie  Echo,  Lynchburg,  VA,  17  July  1816,  3-4. 

43.  Lynchburg  Press.  14  August  1818,  4-4. 

44.  Forsyth  M.  Alexander,  "Cabinet  Warehousing  in  the  Southern  Atlantic  Ports,  1783- 
1820,"  journal  of  Early  Southern  Decorative  Arts.  vol.  xv,  no.  2  (November  1989):  3,  5,  13-16. 

45.  LynchhurgPress.  10  December  1818,  3-3. 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  -WINTER  2OO4 


46.  Kolbe.  "Willis  Cowling  (1-SS-181S):  Richmond  Cabinetmaker,"  65-66. 

47.  Lynchburg  Press.  5  April  i8ig.  3-6. 

48.  Lynchburg  Cit)',  Superior  Court  of  Chancer}-,  Riicker  vs.  Winston  c  Diiiguid.  1821-018. 
LVA. 

49.  Perkow,ski.  Piedmont  Virgmui  Furniture,  see  biographical  sketch  on  Benjamin  A.  \('in- 
ston. 

50.  Hurst  and  Prown,  Southern  Furniture.  idSo—iS'jO.  ill. 

51.  Lynchburg  Press,  14  August  1818,  4-4. 

52.  Conversation  with  Mr.  Chip  Pottage,  iq  June  2004. 

53.  Lynchburg  Cit\-,  Husting  Court,  Deed  Book  Q.  1822-1824,  438-439. 

54.  Chambers,  Lynchburg:  An  Architectural  History.  loi. 

55.  Auditor  ot  Public  Accounts,  Land  Ta.\,  Campbell  Count}-,  1830  B,  12,  LVA. 

56.  1830  census  of  Campbell  Count}-,  Virginia,  354. 

5-.   F.  Johnston,  Memorials  of  Old  Virginia  Clerks  (Lynchburg.\".A:  J. P.   Bell  Company, 
i888),6-. 

58.  .-Vuditor  of  Public  Accounts,  Land  Ta.\.  Bedford  Counn-,  182-  .\.  36  and  182-  B,  46, 
LVA. 

59.  Auditor  ot  Public  Accounts,  Personal  Propert}- Tax,  Bedford  Count}-,  lS2~  \.  ~i,  LVA. 

60.  i8so  Census  of  Campbell  Counn-,  Virginia,  126. 

61.  Chambers,  Lynchburg:  An  Architectural  History.  90-92. 

62.  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts,  Land  Ta.\,  182-,  Lynchburg,  s6, 

63.  Lynchburg  Press,  i  Januar}- 1829,  3-4. 

64.  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts,  Land  Ta.x,  1S29,  Amherst  Counn,-  4,  LVA. 

65.  Amherst  Count}-,  Will  Book  7,  224-229. 

66.  Campbell  Count}-,  Will  Book  7, 37i-3~2,  397. 

67.  Lynchburg,  Chancer),'  and  Law-  Order  Book  i,  1S28-1829,  24. 

68.  Lynchburg,  Chancery  and  Law-  Order  Book  2,  1829-1832,  s. 

69.  Ibid.,  229. 

70.  Lynchburg,  Chancer}-  and  Law  Order  Book  3,  1S32-1835,  127, 

71.  Ted  Delaney  and  Phillip  Wayne  Rhodes,  Free  BLicks  of  Lynchburg.  Virginia.  iSo<:-iS6^ 
(Lynchburg,  VA:  Warwick  House  Publishing,  2001),  2-4. 

72.  Auditor  of  Public  Accounts,  Personal  Property  Tax,  1828,  Lynchburg,  3. 

73.  Auditor  of  public  Accounts,  Personal  Property  Tax,  1830,  Lynchburg,  -. 

74.  Ibid,  19. 

75.  Auditor  ot  Public  Accounts.  Land  Tax.  1830,  Lynchburg,  18. 

76.  Ibid.,  43. 

77.  Ibid.,  48. 

78.  Lynchburg,  Deed  Book  I,  389-391. 

79.  Lynchburg  Press.  18  March  1819,  3-s. 

80.  Marilynn  A,  Johnson,  "John  Hewitt,  Cabinetmaker,"  Winterthur  Portfolio,  no.  4  (1968): 

195- 

81.  Nancy  Goyne  Evans,  "Everdav  Things:  From  Rolling  Pins  to  Trundle  Bedsteads,"  Ameri- 
can Furniture  (2003):  53. 

82.  Johnson,  "John  Hewitt,  Cabinetmaker,"  194. 

83.  Vie  New  York  Revised  Prices  for  Manufacturing  Cabinet  and  Chair  Work  ( New-  York:  Dan- 
iel D.  Smith,  1818),  53. 

84.  Wendell  Garrett,  "The  Price  Book  ot  the  District  ot  Columbia  Cabinetmakers,  1831,"  Vie 
Magazine  Anticjues  (May  1975):  889. 

85.  Ibid.,  893. 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  SAMPSON  DIUGUID 


86.  Ihomas  R.|.  Ncwbcrn  and  James  R.  Melcher,  Cltiaiuil Noifolk  Fiinuiure  1S10-1S40  (Pa- 
ducah.  KY:  Turner  Publishing,  1004),  92. 

87.  Kolbe,  "Willis  Cowling  (1788-1828):  Richmond  Cabinetmaker."  61-64. 

88.  George  B.  Cutten,  Vie  Silversmiths  of  Virginia  from  1694-18^0  (Richmond,  VA:  Dierz 
Press,  1952),  (>S- 

89.  Barcode  101411".  Lynchburg  Ciry.  Bonds.  LV,\. 

90.  Hurst  and  Prown,  Southern  Furniture.  i6So—iS)o,  574-57^. 

91.  Gregory  R.  Weidman,  Furniture  in  Maryland  1740— 1940:  Tin-  Collections  of  the  Maiyland 
Historical  Society  (Baltimore:  M3r\'land  Historical  Societ}',  19S4).  141-142. 

92.  Alexandra  A.  Kirtley,  "A  New  Suspect:  Baltimore  Cabinetmakcf  Edward  Priestly,"  Amer- 
ican Furniture  (2000):  118. 

93.  Hurst  and  Prown,  Southern  Furniture.  i6So—iS}o,  499. 

94.  Piorkowski,  Piedmont  Virginia  Furniture^  front  cover. 

95.  Lynchburg  Press.  18  March  1819,  3-v 

96.  Kenny,  "From  New  Bedford  to  New  York  to  Rio  and  Back,"  2so-2';i. 

97.  Kenneth  Joel  Zogry.  "  'Plain  and  Handsome  :  Documented  Furnishings  at  Mordecai 
House,  i~8o-i830,"  Jiniriiiil  of  Farly  Southern  Decorative  Arts  \'ol.  xv,  no.  2  (November  1989): 
99- 

98.  Newbern  and  Melcher,  Classical  Norfolk  Furniture  1S10-1S40,  73.  "s,  90. 

99.  Neat  Pieces:  Tl>e  Plain  Style  Furniture  of  19th  Century  Georgia  (Atlanta,  GA:  Atlanta  His- 
torical Society,  1985),  93. 

too.  Hurst  and  Prown,  Southern  Furniture.  i6So-iS^o.  111. 
loi.  Lynchburg  Press.  14  November  1818.  1-6. 

102.  Zogry,  "  'Plain  and  Handsome':  Documented  Furnishings  in  Mordecai  House,  1-80- 
1830,"  104. 

103.  Evans,  "Everyday  Things:  From  Rolling  Pins  to  Trundle  Bedsteads,    2--29,  34-^6. 

104.  Kirtley,  "A  New  Suspect:  Baltimore  Cabinetmaker  Edward  Priestly,"  119. 
los.  Lynchburg  Press.  14  November  1818,  3-6. 

106.  Lynchburg  Press.  10  December  181S.  3-3. 

107.  Lynchburg  Daily  Virginian,  19  Februar)-  i8s6,  3-1. 

108.  Auditor  ot  Public  Accounts,  Personal  Property  Tax,  Lynchburg  Cit)'.  1826.  LV'A. 

109.  Ibid..  1830. 

no.  MacRae.  William  Diugnid  of  Buckingham  Count)'.  Virginia,  258-259. 

111.  Barcode  101411",  Lynchburg  Cit\',  Bonds,  LVA. 

112.  1850  Censu.s  of  Campbell  Count\',  Virginia,  92a. 

113.  Johnson,  "John  Hewitt,  Cabinetmaker,"  200. 

114.  MacRae.  William  L'>iuguid  of  Buckingham  Coiinr\i.  Virginia.  252. 

115.  Ibid. 

116.  Richmond  Cin',  Hustings  Court,  Order  Book  9,  1810-1812,  419. 

!!■?.  Garrett,  "The  Price  Book  of  the  District  of  Columbia  Cabinetmakers,  iSii,"  893. 
iiS.  Lucy  H.M.  Baber,  comp.  Marriages  and  Deaths  from  Lynchburg,  \irginia  Newspapers, 
i794-iS-i6  (Baltimore,  MD:  Genealogical  Publishing  Co.,  1980),  37. 

119.  Piorkowski,  Piedmont  Virginia  Furniture,  biographical  sketch  ot  Peter  E.  Booker. 

120.  Lynchburg  City,  Hustings  Court,  Will  Book  B,  1831-1841,  132. 

121.  Lynchburg  City,  Hustings  Court,  Deed  Book  L.  1832-1834,  281. 

122.  1S50  Census  of  Campbell  County,  'Virginia,  -8. 

123.  Edward  Jenner,  "Carpenter's  Diary  Entries."  Old  Sturbridge  Village  Online  Resource 
Librarv.  Online:  http://w\s'w.o.sv.org/learning/Document  Viewer.php?.'\cton=\'iew  &  Dod 
ID  =  2109.  (accessed  24  September  2004). 


46  JOURN.^L  OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  2OO4 


124-  Barcode  1118983,  Lynchburg  Cir)',  Hustings  Court.  Ended  Causes.  Box  122.  Fmzier  vs. 
Smith,  1828,  LVA. 

125.  Winston  &  Diuguid  to  Willis  Cowling.  27  October  1818.  CU  LVA. 

126.  Kenny.  "From  New  Bedford  to  New  York  to  Rio  and  Back. "  26-. 

127.  John  T.  Dolan  to  Willis  Cowling,  9  May  182s.  CP.  LVA. 

128.  Personal  Papers,  Centenary  Methodist  Church.  Richmond,  VA,  Register  of  Classes 
1827-1837,  Accession  No.  25147.  7.  LVA. 

129.  Margaret  Anthony  Cabell,  Sketches  ,>n/l  Reeotleetions  of  Lynehhiirg  hy  the  OlAest  Inhabit- 
ant (Richmond.  VA:  C.H.  Wynne,  1858),  125-125. 

130.  Wm.  Burd  ro  Willis  Cowling,  28  September  1820,  CR  LVA. 

131.  Cabell,  Sketches  and  Recollections  of  Lynchburg  by  the  Oldest  Inhabitant.  286-287. 

132.  Wm.  Burd  to  Willis  Cowling,  18  October  1821,  CR  LVA. 

133.  Cabell,  Sketches  and  Recollections  of  Lynchburg  by  the  Oldest  Inhabitant,  270-271. 


ACCOUNT  BOOK  OF  .SAMPSON   DIUGUID 


The  Transference  ol"  Skills  and  Styles  horn 

the  American  to  Jamaican  Furniture  Trade 

During  the  Eighteenth  Centiuy' 


JOHN    CROSS,    PH.D 


If  we  explore  the  commercial  ties  between  America  and  Jamaica 
in  the  eighteenth  century  can  we  find  evidence  of  a  relationship  that 
endured  the  American  Revolution  and  facilitated  the  transference  of 
American  cabinetmaking  skills  and  furniture  styles  that  were  adopted 
by  the  islands  craftsmen? 

Published  material  on  such  a  subject  is  scant.  Research  on  colonial 
Jamaica  and  America  is  rarely  connected  and  even  less  often  focused 
specifically  on  the  decorative  arts.-  Yet,  despite  the  scarcit}'  of  mate- 
rial, a  trading  and  cultural  relationship  can  be  found  between  the  two 
colonies.'  This  article  attempts  to  build  a  rudimentary  image  of  the 
furniture  trade  between  America  and  Jamaica  during  the  eighteenth 
century  through  one  type  of  manufactured  product,  namely  Wind- 
sor chairs,  and  one  craftsman,  cabinetmaker  John  Fisher.  Through  this 
narrow  focal  point  it  is  hoped  that  broader  observations  can  be  made 
about  the  influence  that  the  American  ftirniture  trade  had  on  the  Ja- 
maican consumer. 

Given  the  lack  ol  research  in  this  area,  this  article  concentrates  on 
just  one  faction  of  the  primary  material  that  exists  in  Jamaica  and 
America  in  order  to  construct  an  image  of  colonial  enrichment.'  The 


choice  of  the  Windsor  chair  was  adopted  due  to  the  chair's  sheer  en- 
durance and  relatively  simple  design  and  manufacture  and  perhaps  be- 
cause it  represents  a  utilitarian  object  that  was  not  in  the  hands  of  only 
the  wealthy.  The  Windsor  chair  therefore  reached  many  levels  of  soci- 
ety, was  relatively  inexpensive,  and  was  widely  available  from  England 
to  America  and  down  into  the  Caribbean.^  The  selection  of  the  cabi- 
netmaker John  Fisher  is  mainly  due  to  the  hict  that  he  is  one  of"  the 
relatively  few  cabinetmakers  to  be  identified  and  documented  as  hav- 
ing worked  in  America  and  Jamaica  during  the  eighteenth  century.'' 
He  was  also,  clearly,  a  master  oi  his  trade  and  his  clients  would  have  in- 
cluded all  strata  of  wealth  in  any  community  where  he  worked.  There- 
fore, between  the  Windsor  chair  and  the  cabinetmaker  John  Fisher 
we  have  an  object  and  craftsman  that  represent  all  the  demands  of  the 
eighteenth-century  consumer  at  many  social  levels  in  both  America 
and  lamaica. 


SOURCING    THE   WINDSOR    CHAIR    IN    JAMAICA 

VCTiile  both  the  American  and  British  Windsor  chair  have  received 
excellent  and  in-depth  study,  as  of  \'et  no  research  has  been  conducted 
in  America,  Britain,  or  Jamaica  on  the  Jamaican  Windsor  chair.  In 
Nancy  Goyne  Evans's  tome  on  the  America  Windsor  chair  she  finds 
reference  to  a  Windsor-rv'pe  chair  called  a  'Torest  chair"  that  pre-dates 
the  name  "Windsor  chair "  by  a  decade  and  is  recorded  as  early  as  the 
1720S.'*  This  same  terminology  of  the  early  Windsor  chair  can  also  be 
found  in  Jamaican  probates  of  the  1720s,  illustrating  rapid  dissemina- 
tion of  the  language  of  description."  While  we  are  interested  in  the 
fact  that  these  forest,  or  Windsor,  chairs  are  found  in  Jamaica  early  on 
in  the  chair's  history,  we  are  more  interested  in  who  made  or  supplied 
these  seats  for  the  Jamaican  consumer. 

In  order  to  determine  if  and  when  English,  American,  or  even  Ja- 
maican chairmakers  were  supplying  or  influencing  the  st)'le  and  design 
of  Jamaican  Windsor  chairs  we  need  to  establish  the  chronology  of 
the  availabilirv'  of  these  chairs  in  Jamaica.  To  be  able  to  provide  firm 


JOURNAL   OF  EARLY   SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE   ARTS  WINTER  1004 


evidence  for  the  production  oi  Windsor  chairs  in  Jamaica  we  should 
search  for  stocks  of  the  chairs  in  the  probate  inventories  oi  craftsmen 
who  worked  in  Jamaica.  Also,  by  searching  the  probate  inventories  for 
tools  of  the  chairmaker s  trade  and  equipment  specific  to  the  turners 
trade,  such  as  a  lathe,  we  can  establish  if  Windsor  chairs,  or  any  turned 
works,  were  produced  on  the  island  and  by  whom. 

Despite  a  very  large  survey  oi  the  craftsmen  of  Jamaica  ol"  the  eigh- 
teenth centur\'  being  undertaken,  with  some  1,450  individuals  being 
identified,  surprisingly  tew  craftsmen  were  turners.'"  In  fact,  only  eight 
craftsmen  were  found  to  have  practiced  turning,"  and  only  a  further 
eleven  artisans  were  found  to  have  owned  a  lathe.''  Apart  from  three 
craftsmen  who  worked  in  the  last  five  years  oi  the  eighteenth  century, 
only  eight  turners  and  eight  carpenters  were  turning  wood  during  the 
rest  of  the  eighteenth  century.'^  Of  this  group  of  sixteen  men,  none 
had  chairs  in  stock  and  most  appeared  to  have  turned  architectural 
elements  such  as  columns,  balustrades,  or  newel  posts  as  part  of  their 
trade.  The  three  craftsmen  identified  to  have  been  working  in  the  last 
ten  years  of  the  eighteenth  century  produced  turned  bedposts  only.''' 

If  we  cannot  find  evidence  amongst  the  probates  of  Jamaican  crafts- 
men for  tools  and  inventory  suitable  for  making  Windsor  chairs  then 
we  should  examine  the  same  probate  inventories  for  listings  explicitly 
for  "Windsor  chairs."  If  the  result  is  negative  then  it  is  unlikely  that 
lamaican  craftsmen  were  involved  in  the  making  of  Windsor  chairs. 
Indeed,  the  database  oi  probates  reveals  that  craftsmen  in  Jamaica  did 
not  make  Windsor  chairs  in  significant  numbers  in  the  eighteenth 
century.'^ 

Despite  the  fact  that  Windsor  chairs  were  not  made  in  Jamaica  dur- 
ing the  eighteenth  centun.'  there  is  plenn,'  of  evidence  to  illustrate  that 
Windsor  chairs  were  an  established  element  in  the  material  comfort  of 
the  colonial  resident.  The  first  document  listing  a  Windsor  chair  in  Ja- 
maica dates  to  1735,  only  ten  years  after  the  first  use  of  the  term  in  Brit- 
ain."' Peter  Beckford's  probate  of  1735  lists  a  "green  painted  Windsor 
chair."'  Probably  the  first  institutional  use  of  the  chair  in  Jamaica  also 
came  in  1735  and  is  evident  from  the  order  for  twelve  Windsor  chairs 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND  STYLES 


for  the  Council  Chamber  at  the  Kings  House,  by  the  Jamaican  Assem- 
bly.'" By  the  end  of  the  1730s  the  Windsor  chair  is  regularly  listed  in 
probates  and  becomes  an  object  that  is  commonplace  in  the  colonial 
residences  in  Jamaica.''* 

The  Windsor  chair  remains  a  popular  and  common  object  in  Jamai- 
ca through  to  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.'"  The  reason  for 
the  Windsor  chairs  enduring  popularity  is  threefold.  First  it  was  made 
of  mahogany  and  therefore  relatively  heaN'y  and  would  not  blow  over 
in  the  strong  tropical  winds.  Second,  the  chair  could  be  formal  enough 
for  a  council  chamber,  casual  enough  to  be  placed  outside  on  the  pi- 
azza, or  find  use  at  functions  that  seem  to  have  been  even  more  casual 
than  sitting  on  a  piazza,  as  a  print  titled  the  "Segar  Smoking  Society 
in  Jamaica!"  (figure  i)  sardonically  illustrates.  The  third  favourable  at- 
tribute of  the  Windsor  chair  is  that  it  lacked  upholstery,  which  meant 
that  the  high  humidit\'  did  not  rot,  and  insects  did  not  harbour  in,  the 
upholstery.-' 

In  light  of  the  probate  evidence  provided,  it  is  highK'  unlikely  that 
Windsor  chairs  were  produced  in  Jamaica  during  the  eighteenth  cen- 


FiGL'RE  I.  "Segar Smok- 
ing Societ)'  hi  Jamaica, " 
reproduced  from  Lady 
Nugent i Journal .  Philip 
Wright,  ed.  (iqCid  cdi- 


SK-;;.VH    SM<5KiNCi 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY  SOLITHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS 


WINTER  1004 


tury.  From  their  abundance  in  the  probates  of  the  residences  of  Jamaica 
during  this  period  it  can  be  concluded  that  the  chairs  must  have  been 
imported.  In  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  importation  was 
Ukely  to  be  from  Britain  as  no  Windsor  chairmakers  worked  in  Ameri- 
ca until  the  late  1740s."  Effectively,  in  the  first  half  of  the  century  Brit- 
ish makers  were  the  major  suppliers  of  this  chair  to  both  America  and 
Jamaica. 

This  British  monopoly  did  not  survive  beyond  the  1750s  in  Ameri- 
ca,-' but  did  Britain  maintain  its  dominance  on  the  supply  of  Windsor 
chairs  to  Jamaica  for  the  rest  of  the  eighteenth  century?  If  we  examine 
British  export  records  to  Jamaica  for  the  eighteenth  century  and  study 
the  amount  of  fiirniture  being  exported  we  find  that,  for  the  first  fifty 
years  of  the  eighteenth  century,  Britain  on  average  exported  230  chairs 
per  year  to  Jamaica  (see  Appendix  A).-"  Over  the  same  period  only  four 
craftsmen  in  Jamaica  appeared  to  have  made  chairs  of  any  t\'pe;  three 
of  them  only  had  a  couple  of  dozen  chairs  in  stock  and  only  one  held 
stock  of  over  a  hundred.-'^  Given  the  number  of  chairs  exported  to  the 
island  each  year,  and  the  dearth  of  chairs  being  produced  domestically, 
it  is  apparent  that  the  majorit)'  of  chairs  on  the  island  were  imported 
from  Britain. 

By  the  late  1750s  there  was  a  significant  decline  in  the  amount  of  fur- 
niture being  exported  from  Britain  to  Jamaica.'"  The  Seven  Years'  War 
(1756-63)  could  explain  the  commencement  of  this  decline.  Whatever 
the  cause,  the  Jamaican  dependency  on  British  imports  waned.  De- 
spite the  drop  in  British  imports,  the  probate  inventories  show  that 
there  was  no  noticeable  increase  in  chair  production  on  the  island.' 
This  begs  the  question  of  where  Jamaican  residents  obtained  their 
chairs  during  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  If  they  were 
neither  produced  locally  nor  imported  from  the  mother  country  then 
we  must  look  elsewhere. 

By  the  mid-eighteenth  century,  fiarniture-making  centres  were  ap- 
pearing along  the  eastern  seaboard  of  North  American  in  cities  such  as 
Charleston,  Philadelphia,  Salem  (Massachusetts),  and  Newport  (Rhode 
Island),  to  name  a  few.  As  early  as  1744  there  is  evidence  of  venture  car- 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND  STYLES 


goes  from  New  England  sailing  to  the  West  Indies  with  furniture  tor 
sale.'^  Although  exact  details  oi  these  venture  cargoes  are  lacking,  a 
manifest  tor  the  brig  Samh  from  1799  gives  us  an  idea  of  the  goods  car- 
ried. Cargo  included  four  desks,  eleven  tables,  and  two  dozen  chairs 
bound  tor  the  West  Indies."'  In  1792  the  merchant  Thomas  Brobson 
lists  346  chairs  being  exported  Irom  Wilmington,  North  Carolina, 
alone.''"  In  this  case  the  destinations  are  the  islands  of  Martinique  and 
Barbados. 

Margaretta  Lovell,  in  her  article  on  the  business  oI  cabinetmaking  in 
eighteenth-century  Newport,  clearly  states,  "the  scale  ol  this  export  en- 
terprise [of  furniture]  can  only  be  estimated,  but  it  seems  to  have  been 
considerable."''  Lovell  establishes  that  the  shipments  bound  for  the 
southern  states  of  America  were  sizable,  but  acknowledges  that  "ship- 
ments to  other  important  markets,  such  as  New  York  and  the  West  In- 
dies, were  probabh'  much  higher."'" 

In  seeking  to  discover  exactly  how  much  American  furniture  ended 
up  specifically  in  Jamaica,  we  are  not  only  laced  with  the  problem  of 
furniture  historians  marginalising  colonial  Jamaica,  but  are  also  con- 
fronted by  the  ambiguit}'  of  eighteenth-century  merchants  in  record- 
ing where  their  ships  were  destined. 

Venture  cargoes,  as  the  name  suggests,  were  speculative  loads  that 
were  carried  from  port  to  port  down  the  eastern  coast  of  North  Amer- 
ica until  the  cargoes  were  sold.  If  by  some  misfortune  they  could  not 
sell  their  wares  in  North  American  ports  then  the  captains  of  these 
ships  would  venture  further  south  into  the  Caribbean  until  all  the  mer- 
chandise was  dispatched.  The  merchants  clearly  sent  goods  with  the 
intention  of  selling  them  quickly  and  for  handsome  profits.  This  strat- 
egy for  a  quick  sale  could  not  always  be  guaranteed.  Thus,  if  a  depart- 
ing captain  stated  to  customs  officials  that  his  ship  was  to  sell  its  cargo 
in  Charleston,  in  reality  if  he  found  no  market  there  he  would  then 
continue  his  voyage  until  all  the  goods  were  off  his  hands.  In  1810  this 
was  taken  to  extremes  when  the  ship  Molly  set  out  from  Salem,  Massa- 
chusetts. Tlie  ship  had  still  not  sold  her  cargo  of  furniture  by  the  time 
she  had  reached  Rio  de  Janeiro,  by  which  time  her  captain  was  desper- 


JOURNAL  OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


ate  and  was  trading  the  furniture  tor  supplies  to  return  home.'^  The 
extended  voyage  of  the  Molly  reminds  the  researcher  that  just  because 
a  ship  is  destined  for  a  certain  port  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  is 
where  she  finished  her  journey. 

There  is  no  evidence  discovered  to  date  that  can  prove  that  the  ven- 
ture cargoes  of  furniture  from  New  England  actually  landed  on  the 
quayside  of  Kingston.  Also,  although  we  know  ships  from  Boston, 
Rhode  Island,  and  Salem  landed  in  Jamaica,  no  surviving  documents 
suggest  furniture  was  amongst  the  goods  landed.'"' 

The  exportation  of  furniture  from  Philadelphia  and  the  southern 
states  of  America  to  Jamaica  can  be  delineated  with  a  bit  more  clarit)'. 
The  merchant  Stephen  Dutilh  was  an  important  and  wealthy  mer- 
chant who  worked  from  Philadelphia  at  the  turn  of  the  nineteenth 
century.''^  Records  of  his  business  from  the  early-nineteenth  century 
show  that  Dutilh  insured  one  of  his  vessels  to  travel  to  Jamaica  and 
other  parts  of  the  West  Indies  to  sell  manufactured  as  well  as  consum- 
able goods.  The  insurance  policy  was  a  necessary  expense.  Dutilh  had 
already  experienced  the  darker  side  of  trading  in  the  Caribbean,  where 
uprisings,  revolutions  and  foreign  affairs  whipped  up  as  quickly  as  the 
tropical  winds.  In  1802,  Dutilh's  ship  the  Fair  America  had  been  cap- 
tured by  French  privateers  and  the  captain  and  crew  murdered.  The 
ship  was  later  recaptured  by  a  British  frigate  and  taken  to  Martinique. 
In  Dutilh's  insurance  claim  for  the  Fair  America  he  lists  the  goods  he 
had  lost,  amongst  which  were  twenty-four  mahogany  chairs,  two  large 
looking  glasses,  two  marble  tables,  rwenty-one-and-a-half  dozen  Ger- 
man looking  glasses  and  a  staggering  forty-seven  dozen  assorted  Wind- 
sor chairs  (564  chairs).*" 

Even  earlier  than  Dutilh's  insured  shipments  going  to  Jamaica,  the 
Baltimore  Port  Records  list  no  fewer  than  twelve  sloops  and  brigs  de- 
parting for  Jamaica  in  1799.*  Neither  of  these  sources,  however,  estab- 
lishes absolutely  that  furniture  was  being  carried  aboard  a  ship  leaving 
an  America  port  for  the  island  of  Jamaica. 

Conclusive  evidence  for  the  trade  of  furniture  between  Jamaica  and 
America  can  be  found  in  1768.  It  was  in  that  year  that  the  well-known 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND  STYLES 


American  cabinetmaker  Benjamin  Randolph  appears  to  have  ventured 
into  trading  with  the  West  Indies  by  sending  goods  down  to  Jamaica 
on  the  ship  Diaiia.'''^  During  his  career,  Randolph  had  made  many  fine 
commissions,  including  the  table  on  which  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence was  drafted.^''  In  his  accounts,  Randolph  cites  and  credits 
another  Philadelphian  craftsman  with  supplying  him  with  goods  for 
the  "voyage  to  Jamaica."  Chairmaker  Francis  Trumble  of  Philadelphia 
was  credited  for  chairs  he  supplied  to  Randolph  (figure  2).'" 

At  this  period  in  Trumble's  career  he  had  ceased  making  all  types  of 


FIGURE  2.  Windsor  arm- 
chair by  Francis  Trumble; 
yellow  poplar;  Philadelphia, 
1763-68.  HOA  29%";  WOA 
64'' s";  DOA  Ijl's".  Collection  of 
the  Amiu-  &  Woodbridge  Histori- 
cal Societ)'.  Courtesy  of  Amit)'  c^ 
X\  (Xi/lhriii^f  Hiitoriciil  Society'.  Inc. 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS 


WINTER  1004 


^^-9*- 


i. 


^ 


FIGURE  3.  Windsor  chair,  Ja- 
maica, C.  1790-1810.  Private  collec- 
tion: photograph  by  the  author. 


chairs  other  than  Windsor  chairs.^'  Therefore,  we  have  clear  proof  of 
furniture,  and  specifically  Windsor  chairs,  being  made  in  Philadelphia 
and  then  exported  to  the  Jamaican  market  during  the  colonial  peri- 
od. Also,  when  the  Trumble  chair  m  figure  2  is  compared  to  surviving 
Jamaican-produced  Windsor  chairs  from  the  early-nineteenth  century 
(figure  j),  the  similarities  are  striking.  The  similarities  are  even  more 
apparent  when  these  chairs  are  compared  to  British  Windsor  chairs 
or  those  made  elsewhere  in  America  at  the  time.*"  The  chair  in  fig- 
ure j  shares  more  in  common  with  Philadelphia  low-back  Windsors 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND   STYLES 


than  with  those  made  anywhere  else.  Thus,  it  seems  sate  to  assume  that 
Trumbles  shop  in  Philadelphia  was  one  oi  the  design  sources  for  the 
many  Windsor  chairs  that  appeared  in  Jamaica — probably  domestically 
produced — during  the  early  nineteenth  century. 

Had  Benjamin  Randolph  not  mentioned  his  indebtedness  to  Fran- 
cis Trumble  for  supplying  chairs  we  would  have  just  another  record 
of  a  venture  cargo  leaving  Philadelphia  for  the  West  Indies.  In  this 
instance  the  exportation  of  furniture  with  Jamaica  can  hardly  be  de- 
scribed as  speculative — here  it  is  stated  that  goods  were  destined  for  Ja- 
maica; however,  we  can  now  only  speculate  as  to  the  nature  of  the  car- 
go in  its  entiret}',  its  amount,  and  whether  this  shipment  was  part  of  a 
regular  contact  between  Philadelphia  and  Jamaica.  In  an  article  on  the 
exportation  of  Windsor  chairs  by  the  Gillows  firm  of  Lancaster,  Eng- 
land, Susan  Stuart  states  that  John  Swarbreck,  the  Gillows's  agent  in 
the  Caribbean,  was  receiving  Windsor  chairs  from  America  in  the  early 
i76os.^'  But  Stuart  could  not  ascertain  from  exactly  where  in  America 
the  chairs  were  made  or  who  made  them.  Could  Francis  Trumble  of 
Philadelphia  be  the  maker  and  Benjamin  Randolph  the  exporter? 

It  would  appear  that  the  Windsor  chairs  sold  in  Jamaica  during  the 
1760S  and  early  1770s  were  likely  to  have  been  manufactured  in  Amer- 
ica. It  is  interesting  to  note  that  during  the  War  of  American  Indepen- 
dence the  Gillows  firm  did  express  an  interest  in  exporting  Windsor 
chairs  to  Jamaica  to  supply  any  demand  not  met  by  its  American  com- 
petitors. A  letter  dated  1775  to  the  Gillows  agent  John  Swarbreck  states, 
"we  thought  the  North  Americans  would  be  so  busy  fighting  that  they 
would  not  have  time  to  make  and  send  you  any  Windsor  chairs  there- 
fore have  dropt  a  dozen. "^^  The  letter  and  Susan  Stuart  imply  that 
America  was  the  established  source  for  Windsor  chairs  in  Jamaica,  and 
that  Gillows  or  anybody  else  could  not  compete  unless  there  was  a  ces- 
sation of  trade,  as  was  the  case.  Gillows  does  not  appear  to  have  sent 
any  more  chairs  after  the  reinstatement  of  trade  in  between  America 
and  Jamaica  in  the  early  1780s. ^^  We  can  assume  that  the  purchase  of 
Windsor  chairs  from  America  had  resumed,  given  the  evidence  already 
provided  from  Stephen  Dutilh  and  his  ill-fated  trip  and  the  number  of 
Windsor  chairs  he  was  transporting. 


JOURNAL  OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


The  period  of-  time  that  this  trade  thrived  between  America  and 
Jamaica  is  unknown  but  there  is  evidence  that  craftsmen  based  in  Ja- 
maica started  to  produce  chairs  on  the  island  in  the  early-nineteenth 
centurv',  probably  modelling  their  designs  on  America  examples.^'' 
Therefore,  we  can  say  that  the  principle  suppliers  of  Windsor  chairs  in 
Jamaica  during  the  second  halt  ol  the  eighteenth  century  were  Ameri- 
can, probably  Pennsylvanian,  and  that  the  Windsor  chair  designs  Ja- 
maican craftsmen  copied  or  emulated  in  the  early-nineteenth  century 
were  also  American. 

The  Windsor  chair  has  been  chosen  as  an  example  to  illustrate  the 
eighteenth-century  trade  relationships  between  America  and  Jamaica 
and  the  subsequent  transference  of  design  and  srvde  to  Jamaican-pro- 
duced Windsor  chairs.  From  this  example  we  might  envisage  a  much 
larger  trade;  a  trade  relationship  that  extends  beyond  chairs  to  include 
other  types  of  furniture  and  goods.  Also,  if  we  could  establish  that  this 
trade  relationship  included  not  only  ftirniture  being  transported  to  Ja- 
maica from  America,  but  also  cabinetmakers,  then  the  case  for  trans- 
ference and  dissemination  of  both  skills  and  styles  would  be  strength- 
ened. Such  a  cultural  exchange  could  demonstrate  a  larger  impact  on 
the  decorative  arts  in  Jamaica  than  has  previously  seemed  likely.  We 
could  choose  from  a  number  of  artisans  known  to  have  left  America 
for  Jamaica,  but  the  career  ot  cabinetmaker  John  Fisher  gives  us  a  clear 
example  ot  the  exportation  oi  furniture-making  skills  and  use  of  mate- 
rials from  America  to  Jamaica. 


JOHN    FISHER,    A    CHARLESTON    CABINETMAKER 

Although  John  Fisher  is  best  known  as  a  cabinetmaker  and  resident 
of  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  he  was  neither  born  there  nor  did  he 
die  there.  His  lite  was  to  be  a  colourful  one — a  lite  that  not  only  took 
advantage  oi  the  adventures  and  wealth  that  could  be  gained  trom 
emigrating  to  the  American  colonies,  but  also  the  benefits  of  pledging 
loyalt}'  to  the  Crown  during  the  Revolution  and  the  eventual  political 
retribution  such  sentiments  produced  in  an  independent  America. 

The  career  of  John  Fisher  illustrates  a  point  with  wide  implications. 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND  STYLES 


John  Fisher  is  not  the  only  British  furniture  maker  to  work  in  America, 
nor  is  he  the  only  Anglo-American  to  have  then  moved  to  Jamaica  (Ap- 
pendix B).^  In  fact,  a  number  of  cabinetmakers  moved  back  and  torth 
between  Jamaica  and  the  southern  states  of  America.  This  migration  of 
cabinetmakers  between  America  and  Jamaica  estabhshes  an  alternative 
to  the  exported  furniture  such  as  Windsor  chairs  for  the  flow  of  skills 
and  styles  between  the  two  regions,  h  is  hoped  that  specific  examples 
of  that  transference  can  be  found  in  the  details  of  John  Fishers  life. 

Fisher  was  born  in  the  late  1730s  and  grew  up  in  the  north  west  of 
England.'*^  He  was  probably  apprenticed  to  Roger  Dewhurst  and  Peter 
Gerrard.^'  This  apprenticeship  would  have  been  a  good  introduction 
into  the  cabinetmaking  business,  as  Gerrard  was  known  to  have  been  a 
subcontractor  for  the  cabinetmaking  firm  "Gillows  of  Lancaster.""'" 

Fisher  petitioned  freedom  from  his  masters  in  1761,  which  was 
granted  in  March  of  that  year.^'  If  he  started  his  apprenticeship  when 
he  was  fourteen  years  old  he  would  have  been  at  least  twenty-one  when 
he  lodged  his  petition.  Fisher  then  travelled  to  London  and  proba- 
bly gained  employment  making  fiirniture;  however,  little  evidence  has 
been  uncovered  other  than  for  him  travelling  to  London. "'- 

Fisher  first  appears  in  Charleston  in  1767  where  he  stated  that  he 
was  a  cabinetmaker  having  previously  worked  in  London.^'  He  was 
clearly  an  experienced  and  talented  cabinetmaker  by  the  time  he  ar- 
rived in  Charleston  because  within  a  year  of  arriving  he  was  not  only 
employed  by  the  Charleston  cabinetmaker  Thomas  Elfe  but  was  very 
quickly  made  Life's  partner.  The  exact  date  that  Fisher  began  working 
for  Elfe  is  unknown,  but  it  certainly  would  precede  the  establishment 
of  their  formal  partnership  in  1768."'^ 

Their  partnership  would  last  for  only  three  years,  and  notice  of  its 
dissolution  in  1771  appeared  in  the  South  Carolina  Gazette.''''  Despite 
the  pair  no  longer  being  in  partnership,  Fisher  continued  to  work  for 
Elfe  until  Life's  death  in  1775."^' 

During  Life's  twent}^-eight-year  career,  from  1747  to  1775,  he  does 
not  seem  to  have  labelled  any  of  his  furniture.  Also,  there  are  not  any 
Life  pieces  that  have  been  traced  through  family  connections  to  their 


60  JOURNAL   OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


original  owners.  This  lack  of  la- 
belled or  provenance-attributed 
Elfe  furniture  causes  problems 
for  assessing  Elfe's  work.^  There- 
fore, the  exact  nature  and  appear- 
ance of  the  estimated  three  thou- 
sand pieces  of  furniture  that  Elfe's 
shop  is  said  to  have  produced 
remain  a  mystery.^**  That  said, 
there  are  a  number  of  surviving 
objects  that  in  the  past  and  pres- 
ent have  been  attributed  to  Elfes 
shop.  The  strongest  of  these  attri- 
butions have  been  based  on  the 
"figure-eight"  fret  that  graces  the 
friezes  of  some  Charleston  desk 
and  bookcases  and  double  chests 
(figure  4);  however,  closer  scruti- 
ny has  shown  the  same  fret  pat- 
tern to  appear  on  furniture  made 
in  at  least  five  Charleston  cabi- 
netmaking  shops,  although  the 
fretwork  itself  may  have  originat- 
ed from  Elfe's  shop.^'  Thus,  con- 
fident attribution  of  surviving 
furniture  to  the  shop  of  Thomas 
Elfe  has  proven  elusive.''" 

Elfe's  account  book  for  the 
years  1768  to  1775  survives.'''  The 
account  book,  therefore,  marks 
the  time  when  Fisher  and  Elfe 
worked  in  partnership  and  also 
when  Elfe  subcontracted  work 
to  Fisher.  The  account  book  en- 


FiGURE  4.  Double  chest  of  drawers;  mahogany  and  mahogany 
veneer  with  cypress,  mahogany,  and  tulip  poplar;  Charleston, 
South  Carolina,  1765-75.  hoa  78";  woa  46V2";  doa  25'/8". 

MESDA  AlX.  Q46. 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND  STYLES 


tries  often  describe  pilasters,  feet,  ftetwork  tor  pediments,  or  whether 
the  product  was  a  double  chest,  bookcase,  or  other  t)'pe  oi  furniture. 
The  designs  of  Elfe's  chairs  remain  unknown."'  It  is  notable  that  apart 
from  the  132  dining  tables  and  661  chairs  recorded  by  Elfe  in  the  ac- 
count book  the  ftirniture  form  that  appears  the  most  in  number  are 
bedsteads,  numbering  a  considerable  123  over  the  eight-year  period."^ 
A  Charleston  bedstead  that  was  produced  while  Elfe's  shop  was  active 
is  shown  in  figure  <,. 

The  account  book  documents  some  of  the  work  Elfe  employed  Fish- 
er to  produce,  such  as  "40  shillings  to  cutting  a  fret"  and  "30  shillings 
for  cutting  a  pediment  board"  in  May  1773.''^  Of  particular  interest  are 
entries  such  as  in  Februar)'  1774  when  Elfe  had  Fisher  turn  "2  Setts  of 
Bed  posts.""^  These  entries  seem  to  illustrate  the  nature  of  Fishers  exper- 
tise: bedpost  turning.  A  considerable  number  of  bedposts  are  listed  in 
Fisher's  own  1804  probate  inventor)',  some  thirt\'-tAvo  in  total.""  A  ma- 
hogany bedstead  found  in  Jamaica  and  dating  from  the  period  of  time 
that  Fisher  was  actively  working  on  the  island  is  presented  as  figure  6. 

The  employment  of  Fisher  by  Elfe,  and  their  partnership,  from  1768 
to  1775,  suggests  that  some  of  the  furniture  that  would  be  attributed 
to  Elfe's  shop  must  reflect  the  characteristics  of  Fisher's  hand.  Also,  be- 
cause the  account  book  covers  only  the  latter  period  of  Elfe's  career,  the 
characteristics  of  Fisher's  influence  on  Elfe's  shop  might  be  established 
by  comparing  examples  of  Elfe's  furniture  from  earlier  in  his  career  to 
that  from  the  time  when  Fisher  was  doing  work  with  him — but,  of 
course,  the  lack  of  confidently  attributed  Elfe  furniture  from  any  pe- 
riod of  his  career  makes  such  comparisons  impossible  at  this  time. 

While  in  partnership  with  Elfe,  Fisher  received  a  mention  and 
contribution  from  the  will  of  Ezra  Waite."  Waite  was  an  architect 
working  in  Charleston  whose  most  important  structure  was  the  Miles 
Brewton  House.  Waite  may  have  employed  Fisher  to  complete  the 
interior  fixtures  and  fittings  for  the  house,  such  as  the  turned  balus- 
ters of  the  staircases.""  Because  of  Fisher's  possible  participation  in  its 
interior  construction,  the  Miles  Brewton  House  could  prove  to  be  a 
valuable  clue  as  to  the  nature  of  Fisher's  work  and  even  to  Elfe  himself 


JOURNAL  OF  EARLY   SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


FIGURE  5.  Bedstead;  mahogany;  Charleston,  South  CaroUna.  i^5S-~5.  hoa 
92"  (without  cornice);  woa  54":  loa  76".  mesd-4  Aa:  ;o6<;. 


if  attributed  furniture  as  described  above  can  be  identified.'''' 

Other  than  Fisher's  connections  to  Thomas  Elfe  and  Ezra 
Waite,  no  other  mention  is  made  of  Fisher's  work  in  Charles- 
ton. Lack  oi  advertisements  usually  indicates  a  successful  work- 
shop. He  probably  survived  through  commissions  or  contacts 
within  the  furniture  trade.  Like  Elfe,  Fisher  does  not  seem  to 
have  labelled  any  furniture  that  he  produced. 

Fisher  worked  in  Charleston  until  1783.  "  After  three  de- 
cades of  residence  he  had  purchased  2,000  acres  of  land  and 
three  houses,  one  of  which  was  incomplete.  '  Fisher  had  also 
established  himself  in  Charleston  societ)'  by  serving  as  a  ju- 
ror. '  When  he  was  finally  forced  to  leave  the  city  in  1784  he 
took  with  him  thirry-nine  slaves,  of  which  at  least  three  were 
skilled  in  cabinetmaking.  The  skilled  slaves  were  purchased 
as  part  of  the  trade  and  house  of  the  cabinetmaker  Stephen 
Townsend  of  Meeting  Street.  '  Surviving  furniture  from  Fish- 
er's shop  remains  conspicuous  by  its  absence  when  his  wealth, 
association  with  Elfe,  and  position  in  Charleston  society  pri- 
or to  the  War  of  Independence  are  considered. 

The  period  of  1782  to  1785  was  a  miserable  time  for  Fisher. 
In  backing  the  losing  side  in  the  War  of  Independence,  he  had 
briefly  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  a  loyalist  while  the  British  held 
the  city  but  then  was  forced  to  forfeit  his  lands  and  wealth  to 
the  Americans — although  he  did  regain  some  of  them  later. 
In  1784  he  was  forcibly  removed  from  Charleston.  ^  Fisher 
was  decamped  to  Jamaica,  where  by  good  fortune  his  brother 
Thomas  resided.  ^  How  long  Fisher  stayed  in  Jamaica  is  un- 
clear, but  we  do  know  that  he  took  with  him  his  slaves  and 
other  goods  and  chattels  when  he  left  Charleston.  '^' 

By  1787,  John  Fisher  travelled  to  London  and  placed  a 
claim  for  compensation  for  loyalty  to  the  Crown.  For  his 
troubles,  the  commissioners  claimed  he  was  "destitute"  and 

FIGURE  6.  Bedstead,  Jamaica,  c.  1790-1810.  Pmuite  collection,  photo- 
g>iipl'  />]'  the  author. 


64 


JOURNAL  OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS 


WINTER  1004 


significantly  gave  him  the  princely  sum  of  "25  pounds  for  his  passage 
back  to  Jamaica." 

The  exact  date  of  Fishers  return  to  Jamaica  is  not  known,  but  he 
did  return.  An  analysis  oi  the  list  of  sevent)'-one  debtors  to  Fisher's 
shop  (after  his  death  in  1804),  provides  evidence  that  he  was  back  in 
Jamaica  and  had  set  up  his  business  as  early  as  1791 — certainly  before 
1794,  because  three  of  his  debtors  had  died  prior  to  that  date.  "^  The 
absence  of  any  debtors  between  1783  and  1787  suggests  that  he  ran  no 
business  in  Jamaica  during  that  period.  Two  of  the  debtor  entries  that 
are  dated  pre-1794  are  listed  as  bad  debts,  presumably  due  to  the  ten- 
year  time  lapse  between  the  debts  in  question  and  the  1804  probate 
inventory.  '' 

The  large  amount  of  land  that  Fisher  owned  in  Charleston  and  the 
number  of  slaves  he  brought  with  him  when  he  left  America  suggest 
that  he  had  some  knowledge  and  ownership  of-  a  plantation  or  an  ag- 
ricultural enterprise.  This  is  echoed  in  his  probate  inventor}'.  In  ad- 
dition to  the  seventy-three  slaves  and  properu'  in  Kingston,  he  also 
owned  Maggotty  Hall  Plantation,  in  St.  Andrews  Parish,  with  a  suit- 
able amount  of  livestock.**" 

Fisher's  dwelling  in  Kingston  appears  to  be  where  he  ran  his  work- 
shop. Twelve  of  the  seventy-three  slaves  resided  in  Kingston.- '  Seven  of 
these  enslaved  persons  were  highly  valued,  indicating  they  were  skilled 
craftsmen  or  labourers.'^"  Only  one  other  enslaved  person  in  Fisher's  in- 
ventory was  given  a  higher  value  than  the  seven  skilled  slaves  at  Kings- 
ton: the  driver  at  Maggotty  Hall,  who  was  valued  at  200  pounds,  the 
most  of  all  Fisher's  enslaved  servants.^' 

The  inventory  of  Fisher's  shop  listed  fifty-one  objects,  varying  from 
night  and  dining  chairs  to  card,  Pembroke,  and  dining  tables. "^^  Small 
objects  such  as  a  toilet  table  and  very  large  pieces  such  as  a  "Mahog- 
any Wardrobe"  illustrate  that  all  manner  of  objects  were  executed  in 
his  shop  (Appendix  C).^^  It  is  notable  that  the  inventory  included 
four  complete  bedsteads,  one  with  fluted  columns,  and  twenu'  blank 
mahogany  posts.  These  bedposts  would  have  been  turned  on  Fish- 
er's "Turning  Lathe,"  which  was  also  listed.  Fisher's  principal  wood 
stock  was  mahogany,  which  in  varying  states  of  conversion  amount- 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND   STYLES 


ed  to  5,668  board  feet.  His  secondary  wood  stock  appears  to  have 
been  "Juniper  Cedar,"  of  which  he  had  3,095  board  feet  at  his  death."'' 

\i  the  cedar  in  Fisher's  inventory  was  used  as  a  secondary  wood,  it 
would  have  been  an  unusual  practice  tor  a  Jamaican  cabinetmaker.  Giv- 
en the  ready  and  cheap  supply  of  mahogany,  not  much  surviving  fur- 
niture made  on  the  island  has  a  secondary  material  that  is  not  mahoga- 
ny.^ If  Fisher  used  a  wood  other  than  mahogany  for  secondan,'  applica- 
tions, then  he  was  most  likely  following  the  technique  of  most  Charles- 
ton cabinetmakers  ot  the  time,  not  the  local  Jamaican  tradition.  Cedar 
was  a  commonly  used  secondary  timber  in  Charleston  and  therefore  it 
is  not  surprising  to  see  it  in  the  workshop  ol  a  former  Charleston  cabi- 
netmaker."** The  large  amount  oi  cedar  in  his  workshop  inventor)'  sup- 
ports the  theory  that  Fisher  was  using  it  as  a  secondary  wood. 

There  is  no  surviving  kirniture  in  Jamaica  attributed  to  Fisher.  The 
identification  of  Fisher's  Jamaican  product  might  be  made  possible  il 
characteristics  of  his  work  in  Charleston  can  be  established.  Opposite 
logic  also  applies  here:  it  surviving  turniture  that  Fisher  was  executing 
in  Jamaica  can  be  identified,  then  it  could  help  to  understand  his  out- 
put in  South  Carolina. 

Fisher's  workshop  in  Jamaica  was  j-ully  functioning  b\'  the  end  of  his 
lite.  There  is  no  evidence  that  there  was  a  slow  dechne  in  his  business 
because  the  majority  ot  debtors  appear  to  have  been  recent  debts  at  the 
time  ot  his  death  in  late  1804.^'  At  his  death,  John  Fisher's  estate  was 
valued  £12,992.11.3.'"' 


CONCLUSION 

It  the  movement  ot  cabinetmakers  such  as  John  Fisher  between 
America  and  Jamaica  is  coupled  with  the  evidence  tor  the  exportation 
of  Windsor  chairs  to  Jamaica  trom  the  American  eastern  seaboard  then 
an  image  ot  a  much  larger  trade  in  manutactured  goods  begins  to  take 
shape.  Two  points  made  in  this  article  allow  for  the  deduction  that  the 
sphere  ot  influence  in  terms  of  skills  and  st)'le  may  have  existed  be- 
tween colonial  and  post-colonial  America  and  colonial  Jamaica:  First, 
the  similarit}'  ot  design  between  the  Francis  Trumble  chair  exported 


JOURNAL   OF   E.-\RLY   SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  IOO4 


from  Philadelphia  in  the  1760s  (jigiire  2)  and  one  of  the  many  Wind- 
sor chairs  in  Jamaica  that  were  probably  made  locally  during  the  early- 
nineteenth  century  (figure  j)  establish  the  possibility  for  the  transfer- 
ence of  style  from  America  to  Jamaica.  Second,  the  evidence  from  John 
Fisher's  probate  inventor)'  that  he  continued  the  practice  of  employ- 
ing a  secondar}'  wood  in  his  furniture  despite  the  local  tradition  to  the 
contrar)'  supports  the  notion  that  at  least  one  of  the  thirteen  identified 
American  woodworkers  who  moved  to  Jamaica  (Appendix  B)  could 
have  transferred  American  cabinetmaking  skills  to  the  island's  market. 
While  the  focus  of  this  article  is  exceedingly  narrow,  the  evidence 
collected  points  to  the  significant  potential  of  further  research  to  un- 
cover additional  and  stronger  evidence  of  the  influence  that  eigh- 
teenth-centun,'  .'\merica  had  on  commerce  and  culture  in  Jamaica  and 
the  Caribbean  in  general.  Perhaps  this  research — not  only  into  furni- 
ture making  but  also  other  trades — will  demonstrate  that  too  much 
emphasis  has  been  given  to  European  powers  for  the  commercial  and 
cultural  enrichment  of  colonial  Jamaica  and  the  West  Indies. 

JOHN  CROSS,  PH.D.  ii  afacuh  member  in  the  Sir  John  Cass  De- 
partment of  Art,  Media,  d~  Design  at  London  Metropolitan  University, 
England.  He  may  be  contacted  via  e-mail  at  j.cross@londonmet.ac.uk. 

APPENDIX  A.  E.xports  of  Chairs  from  Britain  to  Jamaica,  1699-1-49 


3  4  S  6  - 

DATE    (in    five-year   INTERVALS) 

d  m  United  Kmsdom  Public  Record  Office,  Cust  yAb'-n-V 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND   STYLES  67 


APPENDIX  B.  Transfer  of  Skilled  Woodworkers  Between 
America  and  Jamaica  (1697-1822)" 


KEY 

JA  -  Jamaica  VA  =  Virginia  PA  =  Penns)'l\'ania  -  =  Unknown 

SC  =  South  Carolina  NY  =  New  York  >  =  Alter  this  date  d.  =  Year  of  death 

GA  =  Georgia  MA  =  Man,'land  <  =  Before  this  date 


Woodworkers  Emigi-atitig  to  Jajnaica  fivm  Ainerica 


Peter  Dugue 

Ship  Carpenter 

- 

- 

< 

1697-1-21 

John  Gale 

Carpenter 

- 

- 

\br 

d.n2 

James  Anderson 

Carpenter 

<1736 

G,A> 

- 

d.l762 

William  Williamson 

Cabinetmaker 

< 

MA1758 

- 

r66 

Robert  Burrough 

C:ar\er 

1"3I 

- 

< 

1-66 

James  Young 

loiner 

< 

- 

rs3 

1—4 

Barrow  Johnston 

LIpholsterer 

< 

- 

n74 

d.1-87 

Alexander  Dr\'sdale 

Carpenter 

- 

GAl^SOs 

- 

d.l790 

Thomas  Smith 

Carpenter 

<r:'s 

\A 

- 

d.r9I 

Robert  Robertson 

Carpenter 

Scot 

VA1"''5 

- 

1802 

William  Thompson 

Carpenter 

- 

VAl^gOs 

- 

d.l804 

John  Boyd 

Upholsterer 

Scot 

- 

1802 

d.l816 

John  Fisher 

Cabinetmaker 

r40s 

- 

r 6^-84 

d.I804 

Woodworkers  Cot>ii>igfroi>i  Ja)naica  to  America 


John  Walker 

Carpenter 

- 

16-Os 

1689-90 

- 

John  Clayton 

Clockmaker 

< 

< 

n43 

- 

James  Thorn 

Carpenter 

- 

1758 

- 

NY1758 

Thomas  Coleman 

Upholder 

< 

1-5- 

1-66-69 

- 

Edward  Ashwood 

Ship  Carpenter 

< 

< 

- 

GAP76 

William  Tweed 

Ship  Carpenter 

Scot 

1-75 

1778 

- 

George  Richmond 

Carpenter 

Scot 

1780 

- 

VA1^92 

William  Armstrong 

Coach  Maker 

Scot 

1760s 

1-88-1805 

- 

Robert  Glover 

Carpenter 

- 

< 

- 

GA1805 

Charles  Henn'  Miot 

Carpenter 

- 

rs- 

1814-22 

- 

Samual  Benge 

Upholsterer 

l-20s 

1788 

- 

PA/dT-93 

t  lohn  Cross.  Ph.D.,  "Furniture  in  Colonial  Jamaica,  1-00-1830"  (dissertation.  Royal  College 
ot  Art,  2002),  Appendix  Seven. 


JOURNAL  OF   EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS 


WINTER  1004 


APPENDIX  c.  Summary  ot  the  Inventor}' of  the  Goods  and 
Chattels  of  John  Fisher,  1804^ 

Goods  at  Maggotty  Hall  PLintatiou,  St.  Andrews  Parish 

61  Slaves 

68  Various  Livestock 

Small  amount  of  furniture  tor  personal  use 

Goods  at  Kingston  sold  by  Public  Outcry 

FURNITURE 


V2  Doz 
1  pr 

Mahogany  Chairs 
Mahogany  Bedsteads 
Card  Tables 

1          Pembroke  Table 
1          Mahogany  Sideboard 
andTrav' 

1 

Pembroke  Table 

1           Sopha 

2  Setts 

Dmmg  Tables 

1          Fluted  Bedstead 

1 

Night  Chair 

3         Night  Chair 

I 

Liquor  Case 
Shades 
Toilet  Tables 

2          Bason  Stands 

1          Mahogany  Bedstead 

1          Press  with  Contents 

1 

Mahogany  Wardrobe 

12          Dining  Chairs 

6 

1 

Low  Back  Chairs 
Bureau  and  Bookcase 

1  pr     Card  Table 

1 

Lumber  Cart 

r  Boards 

Plank 

289h. 

12  Logs 
16 

Mahogany 
Ditto 

1837ft. 
2666ft. 

20 
4  Logs 

Mahogany  Posts 
Mahogany 

421ft. 

46 

Planks 

^44ft. 

21  Logs 

Cedar 

1652ft. 

15  Logs 

Juniper  Cedar 

1154ft. 

1 

Turning  Lathe 

t  Probate  Inventory,  John  Fisher  (cabinetmaker.  1S04),  ib/ii/3/ios  U.  National  Ar- 
chive of  Jamaica,  Spanish  Town,  Jamaica. 


I.  The  author  would  like  to  thank  ail  those  that  contributed  to  bring  this  article  to  fruition.  In 
particular  the  staff,  past  and  present,  at  London  Metropolitan  University  and  MESDA.  who  have 
encouraged  and  placed  their  faith  in  my  research.  Individuals  I  would  like  to  thank  include  Sally 
Gant,  Rick  Pardue,  and  Tom  Gray  I  am  particularly  grateful  to  Gary  Albert  for  knocking  this  re- 
search into  shape  and  making  it  fit  for  publication. 


TRANSFERENCE   OF  SKILLS  AND  STYLES 


69 


;.  Stuart  Susan  of  Lancaster  Universit\'  is  in  the  process  of  publishing  a  book  on  the  Enghsh 
cabinetmaking  company  Gillows.  hler  book  will  include  a  chapter  covering  the  company's  activi- 
ties in  the  Americas.  Interest  in  this  subject  matter  has  begun  to  gain  momentum  and  papers  pre- 
sented at  the  Gordon  Conference  at  MESDA  in  October  2004  as  well  as  the  Furniture  Histor)' 
Society  Conference  in  February  2005  are  clear  indications  of  this  interest. 

3.  See  Chapter  Two  of  John  Cross,  Ph.D.,  "Furniture  in  Colonial  Jamaica,  1700-1830"  (dis- 
sertation. Royal  College  of  Art,  2002);  Greene  and  Pole,  eds..  Colonial  British  America  (Balti- 
more: John  Hopkins  University  Press.  1988)  47-53;  John  Coatsworth.  "American  Trade  with  Eu- 
ropean Colonies  in  the  Caribbean  and  South  America,  1790-1812."  William  and Maiy  Quarterly 
(April  1967). 

4.  See  Cross.  "Furniture  in  Colonial  Jamaica." 

5.  Nancy  Goyne  Evans.  American  Windsor  Chairs  (New  York:  Hudson  Hills  Press  in  association 
with  the  Henry  Francis  du  Pont  Winterthur  Museum.  1999);  Ivan  Sparkes,  Ilje  Windsor  Chair:  An 
Illustrated  History  of  a  Classic  English  Chair  (Bourne  End:  Spurbooks.  1975),  Introduction. 

6.  Bradford  L.  Rauschenberg  and  John  Bivinsjr.,  Vk  Furniture  of  Charleston,  1680— 1S20  (Win- 
ston-S.ilem.  NC:  Museum  of  Early  Southern  Decorative  Arts.  2003).  101--1019;  Card  files  for 
John  Fisher.  Index  of  Early  Southern  Artists  and  Artisans.  MESDA,  Winston-Salem,  NC;  Cross, 
"Furniture  ot  Colonial  Jamaica." 

7.  Goyne  Evans,  American  Windsor  Chairs,  335,  395. 

8.  Ibid.,  42. 

9.  Probate  Inventory,  Alexander  Henderson  (1740)  IB/11/3/20F.150— 154;  the  probate  invento- 
ries mentioned  in  this  article  are  all  held  at  the  National  Archive  of  Jamaica.  Spanish  Town.  Ja- 
maica (henceforth  cited  as  NAJ). 

10.  The  number  of  craftsmen  discovered  in  Jamaica  in  the  eighteenth  centur\'  is  in  excess  of 
one  thousand  (see  Cross,  "Furniture  ot  Colonial  Jamaici  );  the  database  is  built  up  trom  a  large 
number  ot  primary  sources,  including  birrh,  marriage,  and  death  registers,  probate  inventories, 
advertisements,  government  records,  company  papers  etc. 

11.  Documented  turners  in  Jamaica  in  the  eighteenth  century  were:  trom  the  Catalogue  0} 
the  Kingston  Burial  Register  (London:  Church  ot  |esus  Christ  and  the  Latter  Dav  Saints.  2003). 
Joseph  Shalkley  (1759)  and  John  Pearson  (1759).  George  Hungerford  (1754).  Tifford  Willington 
(1746):  from  their  probate  inventories  (NAJ)  and  Jack  and  Marion  J.  Kaminkow.  A  List  of  Emi- 
grants from  Engltind  to  America.  i-iS—isQ  (Baltimore:  Magna  Ghana  Book  Co.,  1964),  George 
Fleming  (1726),  Jonathan  Montgomen'  (i"3i,  p.  86),  William  Rankin  (i'"S4,  p.  19~),  and  George 
Anthony  Stamp!  (1730). 

12.  Craftsmen  who  owned  lathes  in  Jamaica  included;  trom  their  probate  inventories  (NAJ). 
John  Mitchell  (cabinetmaker.  1800).  John  Fisher  (cabinetmaker.  1804),  Richard  Osborne  (carpen- 
ter, 1756),  Joseph  Stafford  (carpenter.  1766),  George  Pearce  (carpenter.  i~2S).  Richard  Spencer  (car- 
penter. 1743).  Daniel  McLenan  (carpenter.  1751).  Alexander  Goldie  (cabinetmaker.  1803).  Alexander 
Hamilton  (carpenter.  1792).  David  Reid  (carpenrer.  1769).  and  John  Harstead  (carpenter.  iSoi). 

H.  The  nineteen  turners  that  owned  lathes  are  listed  in  endnotes  10  and  11. 

14.  From  their  probate  inventories  (NAJ):  John  Fisher  (cabinetmaker,  d.1804).  John  Mitchell 
(cabinetmaker,  1800),  and  Alexander  Hamilton  (cabinetmaker,  1-92). 

15.  Probate  Inventories,  NAJ. 

16.  Goyne  Evans,  American  Windsor  Chairs,  42 

17.  Probate  Inventory,  Peter  Beckford  (planter,  1-35),  NAJ. 

18.  Frank  Cundall,  Ttje  Governors  of  Jamaica  in  the  First  HalfoJ  the  Eighteenth  Century  (Lon- 
don: The  West  Indian  Committee,  1937).  168;  Alexander  Lourie  and  Matthew  Thurlow.  two  fel- 
low spcikers  at  the  2004  Gordon  Conference  ar  MESDA.  also  spoke  ot  the  use  ot  Windsor  chairs 


JOURNAL  OF   E.'^RLV   .SOUTHERN   DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  2004 


in  the  colonial  state  capital  buildings  or  council  chambers  in  the  eighteenth  centun'.  Lourie, 
research  archivist  at  the  Man'land  State  Archives,  presented  "  'Men.... of  some  influence  in  the 
dry':  William  and  Washington  Tuck  and  Annapolis  Cabinetmaking,  1795-1858";  Thurlow,  the 
Tiffany  &  Co.  Foundation  Curatorial  Intern  in  the  Department  of  American  Decorative  Arts  at 
The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art.  presented  "Southern  Capitols  and  New  York  Furniture:  Tho- 
mas Constantine  &  Co.  in  Washington  and  Raleigh."  MESDA  Gordon  Conference.  S-9  Octo- 
ber 2004,  Winston-Salem,  NC. 

19.  Probate  Inventories,  NAJ. 

20.  Ibid. 

21.  Philip  Wright,  ed..  Lidy  Ntigein's  Dairy  (London:  The  West  Indian  Committee.  1966),  20 
May  and  17  November  1804. 

22.  Goyne  Evans,  American  Windsor  Chairs,  65. 

23.  Ibid. 

24.  United  Kingdom  Public  Record  Office,  Cust  3,  1699-1783.  These  customs  records  list 
items  imported  and  exported  during  this  time  period.  While  the  records  are  difficult  to  work 
with  for  a  number  ot  reasons,  they  do  provide  us  with  an  estimate  of  the  pattern  of  trade  and 
consumption  of  chairs  between  Britain  and  lamaica. 

25.  These  chairmakers  were  Edward  Crawford  (carpenter,  d.1713).  William  Warren  (joiner, 
d.1730),  Thomas  Sheppard,  Thomas  (joiner.  1^1,0),  and  Robert  Pitchard  (joiner,  d.1734).  Probate 
Inventories,  NAJ. 

16.  Cross,  "Furniture  in  Colonial  Jamaica,"  Chapter  Three;  information  compiled  from  Brit- 
ish National  Archive,  Ctist  3,  1699-1783. 

27.  Probate  Inventories.  NAJ. 

28.  Mabel  Munson  Swan,  "Coastwise  Cargoes  of  Venture  Furniture."  Vv  Magazine  Aittiijiu-s 
vol.  40,  no.  4  (April  1949):  278-80. 

29.  Ibid..  2-8. 

30.  James  Brobson,  Landing  Book.  1-90-180S.  Downes  Collection.  Winterthur  Museum  and 
Gardens,  Winterthur,  DE. 

31.  Margaretta  Lovell.  "Such  Furniture  As  Will  Be  Most  Profitable,"  VCinterthnr  Portfolio,  vol. 
26,  no.  I  (Spring  1991):  60. 

32.  Ibid. 

33.  Swan,  "Coastwise  Cargoes  ot  Venture  Furniture,"  2S0. 

34.  Joseph  Ott,  "Exports  of  Furniture,  Chaises,  and  Other  Wooden  Forms  from  Providence 
and  Newport,  1783-1795,"  Tl)e  Magazine  Antiques,  vol.  107,  no.  i  (January  197s):  140-141;  the  ta- 
bles in  Ott's  article  record  ships  going  to  Jamaica  in  the  years  1784  and  1787. 

35.  The  firm's  records  are  all  kept  at  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  Philadelphia,  PA.  It  is 
unfortunate  that  the  records  are  only  catalogued  according  to  date.  While  it  is  known  that  some 
3SO  correspondence  related  to  the  West  Indies  are  included  in  these  papers,  it  was  impossible  in 
the  short  time  available  to  search  the  fifty-seven  feet  of  shelves  dedicated  to  the  firm. 

36.  Dutilh,  1802,  77  X  531,  Downes  Collection.  Winterthur  Museum  and  Gardens.  Winter- 
thur, DE.  At  Winterthur  there  is  also  a  shipping  order  for  Dutilh's  ship  the  Betsey  bound  for  Cape 
Francois,  Cuba,  with  six  dozen  chairs  onboard  (1790,  23  October,  66  x  86.1). 

37.  Baltimore  Port  Records,  1782-1824,  M.  761.  Downes  Collection.  Winterthur  Museum 
and  Gardens.  Winterthur,  DE. 

38.  Nancy  Evans,  "Furniture  Craftsmen  in  Philadelphia,"  (m.ister's  thesis.  Winterthur  Pro- 
gram in  Early  American  Culture.  1963),  107. 

39.  Ethel  Hall  Bjerkoe.  'Ihe  Cabinet  Makers  of  America,  (Exton.  PA:  Schiffer  Ltd..  1978), 
181-182. 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND   STYLES 


40.  Evans,  "Furniture  Craftsmen  in  Philadelphia."  107. 

41.  Goyne  Evans.  American  Windsor  Chairs,  81 

42.  For  examples  of  contemporary  British  and  non-Philadelphia  low-back  Windsor  chairs, 
see  Goyne  Evans,  American  Windsor  Chairs,  208.  239,  241-242;  and  Thomas  Crispin,  The  English 
Windsor  C/m;>  (Gloucestershire,  UK:  Alan  Sutton.  1992).  164-165. 

43.  Susan  Stuart,  "Gillow's  'Neat  and  Strong  Windsor  Chair  for  Home  and  Export  in  the 
Eighteenth  Century."  Regional  Furniture,  vol.  9  (1995):  71-80. 

44.  Ibid..  73-74- 

45.  Ibid.,  71-80;  Andrew  OShaughnessy,  "The  Stamp  Act  Crisis  in  the  British  Caribbean," 
William  and  Mary  Quarterly  (April  1994):  203,  226. 

46.  From  Probate  Inventories  (NAJ):  John  Mitchell  (cabinetmaker.  1800).  John  Fisher  (cabi- 
netmaker. 1804),  Alexander  Goldie  (cabinetmaker,  1803),  and  John  Harstead  (carpenter.  1801). 

47.  Cross.  "Furniture  in  Colonial  Jamaica,'"  Appendix  7. 

48.  Lawrence  Archer,  Monumental  Inscriptions  of  the  British  West  Indies  from  the  Earliest  Date 
(London:  Chatto  and  Windus,  187s),  114. 

49.  Geoffrey  Beard  and  Christopher  Gilbert.  Dictioruiry  of  English  of  Furniture  Makers.  t66o— 
1S40  (Leeds.  England:  W.S.  Maney  and  Son.  1986).  242. 

50.  Gillows  Company  Index,  Furnishing.  Furniture  and  Textile  Department.  Victoria  and 
Albert  Museum.  London.  2001. 

51.  Apprenticeship  Records.  Inland  Revenue  i.  Guildhall  Record  Office.  London. 

52.  South  Carolina  Gazette,  s  May  1767;  Rauschenberg  and  Bi\'ins.  Jl)e  Furniture  of  Charles- 
ton, 1017 

•53.  South  Carolina  Gazette,  s  May  1767 

54.  Rauschenberg  and  Bivins,  The  Furniture  of  Charleston,  1004-1005. 

SS-  South  Carolina  Gazette,  16  May  i~^i. 

56.  Rauschenberg  and  Bivins.  Ihe  Furniture  of  Charleston,  1017. 

57.  Ibid..  1I~ 

58.  Ibid..  1002. 

59.  Ibid..  117. 

60.  The  only  convincing  evidence  is  found  in  the  record  of  payment  to  "Elf  &  Hutchinson 

for  Furniture  for  the  Council  Chamber "  which  allows  for  attribution  of  South  Carolinas  ca. 

1756  royal  governor's  chair  (McKJssick  Museum.  University  of  South  Carolina,  ace.  5.1990)  to 
Thomas  Elfe  and  Thomas  Hutchinson.  Rauschenberg  and  Bivins.  356-360  and  1105. 

61.  South  Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical  Magazine,  vols.  35—42  (1934— 1941). 

62.  The  royal  governors  chair  cited  in  endnote  49  exhibits  the  characteristics  of  a  cetemonial 
chair,  which  is  quite  different  from  the  design  of  chairs  for  personal  use. 

63.  Rauschenberg  and  Bivins.  The  Furniture  of  Charleston,  365,  426-428. 

64.  Mabel  L  Webber,  ed..  "The  Thomas  Elfe  Account  Book  1768-1775"  South  Carolina  His- 
torical and  Genealogical  Magazine  yo\.  38  (1937):  40. 

65.  Ibid..  voL  39  (1938):  87. 

66.  Probate  Inventory.  John  Fisher  (cabinetmaker.  1804).  ib/ii/3/105  52.  NAJ. 

67.  Waite  left  Fisher  £50  South  Carolina  currency.  Rauschenberg  and  Bivins.  ioi~. 

68.  The  Miles  Brewton  House  has  been  in  the  ownership  of  the  same  family,  the  Manigaults. 
since  it  was  built  in  the  late  i"'6os. 

69.  The  specific  nature  of  Fishers  contributions,  it  anv.  to  the  Miles  Brewton  House  are  not 
known  and  thete  are  three  other  woodworkers  recognized  to  have  had  significant  roles  in  the 
houses  construction:  Ezra  Waite.  John  Lord,  and  Thomas  Woodin;  Jonathan  H.  Poston.  Tlje 
Buildings  of  Charleston:  A  Guide  to  the  City's  Architecture  (Columbia:  L'niversity  of  South  Carolina 


JOURNAL  OF  EARLY  SOUTHERN  DECORATIVE  ARTS  WINTER  1004 


Press.  1997)-  With  this  in  mind,  it  would  be  diificult  to  ascertain  much  information  about  Fish- 
ers style  or  techniques  without  knowing  exactly  which  elements  in  the  house  Fisher  worked  on, 
if  he  indeed  worked  on  the  house  at  all. 

70.  Rauschenbetg  and  Bivins,  Tlje  Furniture  of  Charleston,  1018. 

71.  Ibid. 
71.  Ibid. 

73.  Ibid.,  1017,  1018. 

74.  Ibid..  1018.  1019. 

75.  Archer.  Alonumentdl  Inscriptions  of  British  West  Indies,  30;  Thomas  Fisher  was  not  related 
to  the  furniture  or  allied  trades.  There  is  some  confusion  among  modern  scholars  about  the  first 
name  of  John  Fisher's  brothet.  but  the  inscription  as  recorded  by  Archer  reads,  "Thomas  Fisher  in 
memory  of  his  brother  John  Fisher  late  cabinet  maker  in  Jamaica  in  Kingston  OB  V  November 
1804  AET  67." 

76.  Cornwall  Chronicle.  Saturday,  29  May  1-84,  Winterthur  Library.  Winterthur  Museum 
and  Gardens,  Winterthur.  DE. 

7^.  Rauschenbetg  and  Bivins.  Die  Furniture  of  Charleston,  1018. 

^8.  Catalogue  of  the  Kingston  Burial  Register  (London:  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  and  the  Latter 
Day  Saints.  2003). 

79.  Ibid. 

80.  Probate  Inventory.  John  Fisher  (cabinetmaker.  1804).  NAJ. 

81.  Probate  Inventory,  John  Fisher  (cabinetmaker,  1804).  NAJ. 

82.  Cross,  "Furniture  in  Colonial  Jamaica. "  Appendix  Five. 

83.  Ibid. 

84.  Probate  Inventory.  John  Fisher  (cabinetmaker.  1804).  NAJ. 

85.  Probate  Inventory,  John  Fisher  (cabinetmaker.  1804).  NAJ. 

86.  Ibid. 

87.  Cross,  "Furniture  in  Colonial  Jamaica. "  230—34. 

88.  Milby  E.  Burton.  Charleston  Furniture.  1-00—1S2';.  (Charleston.  SC:  The  Charleston  Mu- 
seum, 1955),  31-32. 

89.  Probate  Inventory.  John  Fisher  (cabinetmaker.  1804).  NAJ. 

90.  Ibid. 


TRANSFERENCE  OF  SKILLS  AND   STYLES